¶1 D. WILSON - ¶2 A. WEIR - ¶3 A.J. POLLARD
¶4 B. FIELDS - ¶5 G. TOURNOY---¶6. D. BALDWIN
¶7 THE WILL OF CAESAR CLEMENT ©
¶8 JOHN CLEMENT: SCHOLAR\WARRIOR
©
(A translation of history
into drama for the stage)
¶1 D. WILSON #19 "It is not at all clear if the rebus in the portrait of Anne of Cleves, that she was clumsy and not very clever (très gauche; pas très adroit), and published in Hans Holbein. Portrait of an Unknown Man, ORION, 1996, was discovered by you or by the author, Derek Wilson."
It is
unfortunately true that Derek Wilson does not credit me, publicly and in an
open way, with the discovery of the Anne of Cleves rebus. I have once more to
draw attention, as already explained and made clear, that in 1976 I found and
cracked the so-called Holbein Codes. Since that time, scholars and other
interested parties have asked and were allowed to examine part one of my
unpublished report of the detective work in book form, entitled REBUS. How
Holbein Hid a Royal Secret (1976-1985). This book includes copies of paintings
containing personal and political information, in Holbein's secret method of
communication, one of which is the Anne of Cleves rebus. In 1992, Derek Wilson
was allowed to examine this book and, in 1996, Derek Wilson published my
analysis and interpretation of the Anne of Cleves rebus in Hans Holbein. Portrait
of an Unknown Man -- without my knowledge and consent, and in breach of
confidentiality. OK?
#20 "If what you say about
Derek Wilson is true, why don't you sue?"
Since what I say IS true and Derek Wilson knows it and, thanks to
WorldWideWeb, now you know it -- for what amount of damages shall I sue when
there is financial risk to a successful litigant in the High Court of England
that an award may not cover legal costs and other expenses -- and Justice can
be done today, and be seen to be done, on the Internet?
Disclaimer: I am not a lawyer. I do not work for a firm of
lawyers. What I have to say is neither intended or implied legal advice. Before
taking or omitting to take any legal action, you must take advice from a
suitably qualified lawyer. Nothing in this answer constitutes legal advice.
¶3 A. J. POLLARD #21 "There is a report
in The Times by Alan Hamilton (Tuesday, Aug 13, 1991, p. 14) that the
historian, A. J. Pollard, dismisses your theories as "breathtakingly
ingenious" but no more than "a brilliant flight of fancy".
"Breathtakingly ingenious"? "A
brilliant flight of fancy"? A. J. Pollard
clearly has imagination, perhaps even enough imagination to know he has made a
mistake. I am not breathtakingly ingenious and do not have brilliant flights of
fancy. I am a 'pointer-out-of-things', who writes about history, and the
investigation moves on.
¶2 A. WEIR #22 "Alison Weir writes
in her book The Princes in the Tower that there is no contemporary evidence to
support your theory of the continued existence of the princes, and much against
it. How do you respond to this?"
By now, you may conceivably agree that Alison Weir is
mistaken. To conclude that there is no contemporary evidence to support the
theory of the continued existence of the princes is to deny the evidence of
one’s own eyes. Further, if one is sensitive to this sort of thing, there is
documentary evidence of professionals ‘playing the game’ in Letters &
Papers, Foreign & Domestic, Henry VIII, published by HMSO (Her
Majesty’s Stationery Office). Similarly, there are official sources, published
by me for the first time on the Internet, which have been either overlooked or
omitted by Alison Weir. For instance, before writing her book Alison Weir had
not studied Sir John Masterman’s practical work during the war of 1939-1945,
presumably, nor his theoretical work on the ways in which national security
agencies have deliberately and successfully misled historians, over a
substantial period of time, described and made clear in the business as
'conscious agents muddying the waters for unconscious agents’ and leaving
them muddy!
Each authoritative source for the unconscious agents’
claim that there is much against the theory of the continued existence of the
princes is systematically examined in the categories and sub-categories of
Frequently Asked Questions.
Finally, I have to correct Alison Weir on a simple
matter of fact. The infrared picture of John Clement shows the top of his hat
depicted higher than anyone else in the family; and, like the tallest hat among
the chefs in the kitchens of the Ritz or the Savoy, it signals ‘seniority’.
There is more.
The artist demonstrates his mastery of the recently
discovered laws of perspective to make Clement appear 'head and shoulders'
taller than the Henry VIII 'look-alike' standing beside him. OK?
¶4 B. FIELDS #61 “Bertram Fields finds some difficulty with your theory that it necessarily requires More to have told Hans Holbein the potentially deadly secret that he was harbouring the Yorkist heir in his household. It seems unlikely that More would have taken the portraitist into his confidence about a matter that could have led to the imprisonment of his son-in-law, if not himself.” (See: Bertram Fields: ROYAL BLOOD, Richard III and the Mystery of the Princes, publ. HarperCollins, 1998, page 227)
If I may add to and expand Note 26 regarding the true year of birth of John Clement, published in my article “The Princes in the Tower” (Moreana XXV, Vol. 98-99, December 1988, pp. 17-36):
The 1518 edition of Utopia, published in Paris, contains a frontispiece showing John Clement (‘Io. Clemens.’), Raphael Hythlodaeus (‘Hythlodǽus.’), Thomas More (‘Tho. Morus.’) and Pieter Gilles (‘Pet. Aegid.’), factual and contrafactual characters in a book of fantasy, sitting on a grass bench in the garden of a house. More says in the book that Clement accompanied him on an embassy to Antwerp in 1515 and they met in the garden at the home of his friend, Peter (or, Pieter) Gillis (or, Gilles), Chief Secretary of Antwerp.
It is uncertain who drew the original sketch, either Hans Holbein or Ambrosius, his brother. However, the impression is that it was possible for either Hans or Ambrosius to deduce Clement’s age (as we have done!) from the text wherein More’s ‘puer meus’ in 1515, that is to say his ‘young boy’ in Latin, was born in or about 1500.
This date is corroborated in the frontispiece, since a boy’s hair was cut short at the age of sixteen years in the sixteenth century – and, Clement is depicted with long hair in 1515 – ergo, Clement was allegedly no more than fifteen years of age in 1515, born in or about 1500.
The brothers may have checked Clement’s deduced age with More’s friend, Erasmus, who was living at the time in the home of the Basel printer, Johannes Froben, in or about 1518, and who had seen More’s first edition through the press in 1516. This edition, published by Thierry Mertens in Louvain, does not have a frontispiece. The Basel edition does.
We may imagine Hans Holbein’s surprise when he met John Clement for the first time in More’s house, ten years later, in 1526-1527. He was expecting to meet a man of about twenty-seven. Instead, he was introduced to a man of fifty-four.
The risk of insulting Holbein’s intelligence, had Thomas More been so foolish to deny what he had written, was too high. The risk was Holbein might repeat his thoughts elsewhere. The man of whom it is said, ‘he was born for friendship’, Thomas More, then entrusted his house guest, a painter from provincial Basel, with royal England’s greatest secret and since Holbein’s paintings still exist – they would surely have been destroyed along with their creator had Holbein “peached” -- we can say, with great confidence, that Holbein did not betray that trust. Copies of the research details in articles published in leading academic journals is available on CD-ROM. (See: “Bookstall”)
Clement’s real identity, age and true year of birth is corroborated in a series of “part-messages”, in a secret method of communication, in Sir Thomas More and his Family.
#62 (The writer continues:)…“Bertram Fields finds
another problem with your theory; namely, the difficulty in accepting that two
young men resembling the royal princes could suddenly re-appear in Court as
members of prominent families without being recognized.”
On the one hand, conjecturally, I agree that it is inconceivable the princes would not have been immediately recognized by the courtiers who had known them since childhood.
However, since new evidence shows that only ONE prince re-appeared at court -- the Fields difficulty in accepting that two young men resembling the royal princes could suddenly appear in court as members of prominent families without being recognized -- is perhaps partially resolved.
In this connexion there is additional and new circumstantial evidence in the case of Edward Guildford, allegedly the eldest son of Sir Richard Guildford, Comptroller to the Royal Household in Edward IV, that his true identity was known at court over a substantial period of time. The contemporary informant is Holbein. The truly remarkable problems caused to Sir Henry Guildford when Edward Guildford was “hidden” in the Guildford family is described and explained in the companion portraits of Sir Henry Guildford and his wife, Mary Wotton, Lady Guildford. I will show these at a later date. (Click: Sir Henry Guildford and Lady Guildford, see above)
For the present, if we join these Holbein strands together, the artist further claims that Edward V, also known as Sir Edward Guildford, died and was secretly buried by Sir Thomas More in Old Chelsea Church in mid-July 1528.
I have to draw attention that if the body of Sir Edward Guildford is found in Chelsea Church and not in Leeds Castle, the official place of burial alleged in the notes of his probable case officer – Master Secretary Thomas Cromwell -- the complicity of the Tudor DDT can perhaps be proved conclusively.
Investigation shows Richard, Duke of York, also known as John Clement, leaving England in or about 1483 and living and remaining abroad in Flanders after short visits to the German Provinces, Denmark and Italy in 1493, aged 20 years, until: (1) He returned to England incognito, aged 29 years, and was smuggled into the Tower to see his sister, Queen Elizabeth of York, a few days before she died in 1502. (2) He returned once more to the court, 18 January 1510, and remained in England for at least six months, since he attended a tournament at Greenwich on Wednesday, 1 June 1510, at 2.30pm, aged 37 years, with other members of the royal family, including his nephew the newly crowned Henry VIII with whom he jousted in public. (3) In 1519, aged 46 years, since he had mastered the Greek language at the old University of Louvain – where he had first been registered on 13 February 1489, aged 16 years -- the usual age for registration at KUL in the fifteenth century -- he is reported to have given a lecture at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, described by Erasmus as the best attended lecture by students of that recondite language, when there was a shortage of lecturers in Greek at Oxford. (Click: Frequently Asked QuestionsàInvestigations in England and Flanders, et al)
By now and once more, as we might expect, since there is no trace to-day of Clement having attended Corpus Christi College as Wolsey’s appointed Reader in Greek – despite careful research – we shall say the evidence has been removed on the order of the case officer and perhaps shredded. If DNA profiling of Sir Edward Guildford and Dr. John Clement is positive – whether or not the documentary evidence may subsequently come to light -- the missing persons have been found, the case is proved conclusively and can finally be closed, however improbable it may at first seem.
In conclusion, the named courtiers knew their lives were at risk if they discussed their thoughts openly. If we want one safe and simple reason why there were so many trials for ‘unspecified treason’ in the reign of the Tudors – that will do. (See: Frequently Asked Questions è Richard III, Sir James Tyrrell, Perkin Warbeck” for detailed and in depth ongoing investigation by NIET.)
¶5 G.TOURNOY #64 “The historian Gilbert
Tournoy says John Clement had a grandson, Caesar Clement. Was Caesar Clement the son of Thomas More’s
Godson, Thomas Clement, or another son?” (Antwerp,
Dissident Typographical Centre, THE ROLE OF ANTWERP PRINTERS IN THE RELIGIOUS
CONFLICT IN ENGLAND (16th Century), Published by The City of
Antwerp. Plantin-Moretus Museum, Antwerp 1994. p. 163. “100. John CLEMENT,
Original letter to Frans Cranevelt, by Gilbert Tournoy.”)
The
imperial name of Caesar was indeed the forename of Caesar Clement D.D., the son
of Thomas More’s Godson, Thomas Clement, and it was this pretentious name that
made me suspect that the truth about this ‘grandson’ of John Clement might be
slightly more complex, with all due respect, than the version of Gilbert
Tournoy. I have been unable to trace to-date another son of the marriage of
John and Margaret Clement. There is no hint from any source. For better or
worse, I publish for the first time the unexpurgated life and death of Dr.
Caesar Clement. (See above: The Will of Caesar Clement D.D.)
¶6 D. BALDWIN. [BOOK REVIEW]: ‘I am
disappointed in the work, nothing much in the way of new material, too
pro-Woodville, giving her the benefit of the doubt in most everything; and,
anti-Richard, not according to him similar considerations.’ (See: Elizabeth
Woodville: Mother of The Princes in the Tower, David Baldwin, Sutton Publishing
2002)
ITS
A NEW BRAND WORLD, says Business Guru Tom Peters. My work is brand-worthy and
I’m branded, branded, branded! You are returning again and again to the web
site. You trust the site to inform you accurately, that your visit is worth
your valuable time, again and again. The promise of value is implicit, a feeling
of being accorded individual attention along with all the choice of some of the
world’s great reference books and libraries. Finally, Peters says I am
responsible as chief marketer for the brand called “Me!”
In
this connection, Douglas Weekes recently and most kindly sent me a photocopy of
two pages from Mr Baldwin’s new book.
Mr Baldwin has
decided my work is brand-worthy and branded and I am very glad about that! I am
therefore obliged to make sure it is correctly marketed. A reasonable point of
departure is a slightly worrying feature soon remedied:
‘Jack Leslau, a retired London
jeweller, has suggested that they [the princes] can be identified by rebuses
(hidden clues with double meanings) in two portraits attributed to Holbein.’
(ibid. Appendix 6, “The Fate of the Princes in the Tower”)
The
statement that I am retired and was once a London jeweller is correct. “The
Little Jeweller on the corner of Willesden Lane” closed his shop in 1981.
However, the statement that the princes ‘can be identified by rebuses (hidden
clues with double meanings) in two portraits attributed to Holbein’ is
incorrect, in substance and in fact, requiring correction. Branding is then
100% correct!
First, I have to draw attention that seventeen drawings and paintings variously attributed to the German-born Master Painter (‘Zum Himmel’) at the court of Henry VIII, Hans Holbein the Younger (1497/8-1543), have been found to contain personal and political information of the continued existence of the princes in the 16th century. 1
It might
seem undeniable that Hans Holbein invented an elegant puzzle in some sort of
rebus format, which I term and name a ‘covert rebus’. For those interested in
puzzles, a linguistic or pictorial rebus openly invites the puzzler with a
friendly challenge, ‘Solve the puzzle!’ On the other hand, Holbein hides the
elements of the puzzle in the overt phenomena. Holbein also hides some of the
paintings. The puzzle is for posterity to solve. The Top Secret personal and political
information is astounding. The cryptography and steganography arguments
and techniques, may also prove of interest.
The
contributor of the entry ‘rebus’ to the Encyclopaedia Brittanica (1946)
notes the rebus first recorded in France in the first quarter of the 16th
century, the so-called Rébus de Picardie. The inventor is unknown.
Although we cannot be certain, I have to draw attention that the history of the
rebus is closely connected with what is known about Holbein. For instance, the
old French Province of Picardy given to the Duke of Burgundy (who then ruled
Flanders) by the King of England after the 100 Years War did not return to the
King of France until after the death of the Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy
(1433-1477). I have further to draw attention that official records in Henry
VIII show payments to the artist for travelling and other expenses incurred
abroad on the King’s business between 1536 and 1540. The places visited in
France included Picardy. Not conclusive, but significant!
For the sake
of accuracy and completeness, I have to-date identified one portrait of the
younger prince, Richard, Duke of York, also known as Dr John Clement. I have
not been able to find a portrait of his elder brother, Edward V, also known as
Sir Edward Guildford.
Furthermore,
as already explained and made clear, seventy-three drawings and paintings
variously attributed to the artist contain personal and political information
for posterity in a series of part-“messages” in Holbein’s method. This method
is personal to Holbein as a signature. The decrypts confirm and corroborate
certain documentary evidence in official records, but not always. Some decrypts
contradict and dispute official history.
Investigation
is ongoing into those unidentified sitters, unidentified for certain by Holbein
and later art historians, who appear to have been closely involved in the
deception. A repeated theme describes and makes clear that each one of the
identified sitters depicted was a secret supporter of the princes. There is new
evidence of hitherto unknown personal information about the artist, his friends
and family. (See: Frequently Asked Questions -- and keep watching the Web
site!)
For
instance, I want to tell you a story about Hans Holbein and his painting of a
man in a floppy red hat. It is a short story you will not find in the
literature.
Once upon a
time, a long time ago, Holbein painted a portrait of his friend, the Flemish
painter and innovator, Quinten Matsijs of Antwerp, on the occasion of Matsijs’s
50th birthday. The proof is hidden in the painting known as
‘Portrait of a Young Man in a Red Beret’ in the Hessisches Landesmuseum at
Darmstadt in Germany. There is a rebus in the date line of the picture telling
us these are the features of Quentin Matsijs of Antwerp. See if you can find
it!
See if you
can find something else, first pointed out to you in another Holbein painting,
which you are seeing once more. Put the puzzle together and when it makes sense
relevant to known history -- it must make sense! – Email your interpretation,
at first without attachment, to holbeinartworks@hotmail.com
marked Subject Matter: Quentin Matsijs and I will post it in Notes &
References at the end of this section. My interpretation is on CD ROM and
registered at the Royal Library Brussels. Happy puzzling!
And in
conclusion I must return again to the simple fact that my work is now branded.
It describes and explains a large quantity of startling new evidence of the
continued existence of the two princes, left for posterity by a known and
contemporary witness: the artist innovator, Hans Holbein, born in Augsburg,
Germany; later a citizen of the city of Basel, Switzerland, and a court painter
to King Henry VIII of England. Holbein’s workshop above the North Gate of
Whitehall Palace, London, was still known 100 years later as Holbein’s Gate.
The major
discovery is the Top Secret cover name and false identity of each prince, which
is “testable” by DNA profiling. It is my aim and objective to fund the
excavations and scientific investigation as soon as possible. Fees and all
other costs and disbursements will be paid from my own resources.
Finally, my
attention was drawn to Mr Baldwin’s characterization of Elizabeth Woodville as
the mother of two missing children. I want to apply the common sense reasoning
of the so-called ‘ordinary man on the Clapham omnibus’…
‘Mr Leslau stresses that Elizabeth never (as far as
is known) claimed that her sons were missing, but he does not allow the probability
that this was because she knew they had already been killed.’
In the true
spirit of scientific inquiry, I merrily allow the probability that anything is
possible. Yes, Anything! Whatever! Whatever! Mr Baldwin may be correct
that Elizabeth Woodville knew the princes had been killed and if DNA findings
do not prove conclusively the continued existence of the princes in the 16th
century -- my theory is without support and must fall crashing to the ground.
On the other hand, certain things in human behaviour, which may be possible,
are highly improbable.
I want to
tell you about a summer seminar at Leicester University where the longest
running case of missing persons in the royal history of England was reviewed by
men and women from all walks of life “role-playing” characters, real and
imaginary, in the case history (with a little help from Dr. E. Levy, the highly
inventive organizer of the session).
Since my
play on the subject matter The Debt had received a positive review in a leading
academic journal, I was invited to take part as the dreaded Interrogator, which
I immediately accepted.
We met on
the first day. No one was late. Most were early, keen and looking good. Each
player chose a role, either as a principal or a counsellor to advise the
principal. There was no sex discrimination. The best qualified got the job. A
man played Elizabeth Woodville. The history was open to the sunlight and the
players’ determination to unpick each one of the tangles was serious. They
would not leave until the threads had been teased out ‘however long it might
take.’ It was a modern Phaedra, tightly constructed in one Act located
in one place on one day of no more than twenty-four hours. All outside activity
was reported. A double row of chairs ringed centre stage.
I felt
greatly honoured and deeply privileged to have been invited to attend the
seminar. I was now invited to direct highly unlikely role players, who had not
acted before on a stage, and magically transform a 500-year-old tale from the
realms of myth (almost!) into real-life drama for the thinking man and woman.
All that was missing were the “blacks” of an actors’ workshop and a spotlight.2 Many years later, I begin to tell the story
under a working title The Female of the Species, translating the case history
once more into drama for the stage.
ACT
ONE
(The
scene is the large hall of a university)
JL: First, I want to set Time, Place and Action. We
are in the royal apartments of the Tower of London in October of the year 1483.
The Nanny in charge of the two boy princes enters. She has been looking for the
princes and cannot find them. It is teatime. What might she do?
NANNY: I would ask a Footman if he had seen the boys.
JL: What might the Footman do?
FOOTMAN: I would look for them.
JL: Might you do more than look for them?
FOOTMAN: I would ask other Footmen to look for them.
JL: What might the other Footmen do?
ALL OTHER FOOTMEN: If we had not seen them, we would
search for them.
JL: All right. Would you have made a thorough search?
AOF: Certainly we would have made a thorough search.
JL: Suppose you did not find the princes after a thorough
search, what might you do then?
AOF: We would tell the Nanny.
JL: What might the Nanny do?
NANNY: I would tell the Constable of the Tower -- the boys are
missing.
JL: What might the Constable of the Tower do?
CONTOW: I would try to reassure the Nanny that the boys were
playing a prank on the Nanny and as soon as they were hungry they would be
back.
JL: It is now midnight. The princes are not back. More than six
hours have passed. The two boys cannot be found. What might Nanny, the Footmen
and the Constable of the Tower do if the boy princes had still not been found?
CONTOW: I would extend the search.
JL: Where might you have searched?
CONTOW: First, I would order the Tower moat to be searched.
JL: And if the search was negative?
CONTOW: I would order the Royal Watermen to search the river.
JL: Do you mean London River? The river Thames? Would you
search upstream and downstream?
CONTOW: Yes, as far as the reaches of the tide, which might have
carried them off.
JL: Might you need permission to search the river?
CONTOW: I would probably need permission to search the river.
JL: From whom might you obtain permission?
CONTOW: I would ask someone superior in rank to myself.
JL: Perhaps from the person who appointed you? What is his
name?
CONTOW: Since the Constable of The Tower was perhaps appointed by
the king himself I would most probably have first told a senior ranking officer
and asked for advice on how to proceed. I would not have taken the matter
further without the written approval of senior management.
JL: Whom might you have asked?
CONTOW: The most senior, perhaps the Comptroller of the Royal
Household, Sir Richard Guildford.
JL: Let us suppose you are correct. What might Guildford have
done?
RG: I would have called out the palace guard and searched the
riverbanks on the north and south sides and every street and alley in the City
of London.
JL: When might you have done this?
RG: At first light.
JL: Let us suppose at first light you conducted an unsuccessful
search through the City of London from the East end of the river to London
Wall, around to Temple Bar and back to the river on the West end, what might
you then have done?
RG: I suppose I would have had to tell the Queen.
JL: When might you have told her?
RG: The next morning.
JL: Are you saying you would not have told the Queen that her
children were missing on the day they were first reported missing, nor on the
second day, but on the third day, after a thorough search of each one of
several hundred rooms above and below stairs in the Tower of London, including
the docks by the Tower, the bank sides of the river Thames and the streets and
alleyways within the City Walls of London?
RG: Yes. There was no need to alarm the Queen unnecessarily,
not before we had made a thorough search.
JL: I would like to pause at this juncture, if I may, to
summarize what has been discussed so far and what remains to be discussed. For
the present, may we please omit the ‘woulda, coulda, shoulda’ arguments. We may
return to them later. Instead, can we perhaps agree that within say,
twenty-four hours of first publication of the alleged “disappearance” of the
two princes, and I choose my words deliberately, and no more than seventy-two
hours later, a most careful and extensive search was made by a large number of
servants inside the royal palace, without success. Or, was it all a pack of
lies?
In
this connection, you may not be at all surprised there is no record of a search
reported inside the walls of The Tower of London. We will have to consider
carefully if there was in fact a search and if so -- Why was it not officially
reported?
Similarly,
we will have to consider the rumour heard outside the Tower walls that the
princes had been suffocated to death in The White Tower by order of the king.
This rumour, interesting but worthless hearsay evidence, was written down some
thirty years later, as already explained and made clear, by a man who could
have known absolutely nothing about it, because he was only six years old at
the time, the most famous intellectual in the reign of Henry VIII,
Thomas More, in his History of King Richard III.
Furthermore,
and as already explained in Dr. Levy’s introduction, we now have new and
compelling evidence that Lawyer More risked his hard won reputation as a
serious person to lay a smokescreen over his “son-in-law”, Richard, Duke of
York, also known as John Clement, who married More’s ‘adoptive’ (not legally
adopted) daughter, Margaret Clement (née Giggs). If we want just one
reason for the book -- that will do!
If
we want another, I have to draw attention that the only son of the marriage of
John and Margaret Clement, Thomas Clement, was Thomas More’s Godson. In this
connection, the Catholic Queen Mary later made Thomas Clement M.A. an allowance
of £20, approximately £10,000 to £20,000 today, each year of her reign. You may
agree that a royal gift of a large sum of money is a reward, presumably, for a
service rendered to the monarch. However, the new evidence implies Thomas
Clement was “Family”. Clement’s paternal grandfather, Edward IV, and Mary’s
paternal grandmother, Elizabeth of York, were brother and sister. Thomas
Clement and his Queen were ‘cousins’. We will return to this again.
For
the present, for just one minute, let us assume DNA findings are positive. In
the event, we have conclusive proof that a royal decision was made in 1483 to
hide the princes. Why would they need to hide? You may recall that exiled
Welshman, Henry Tudor, had announced his intention to invade England from
France. To be successful, it meant Henry Tudor must raise an army and kill
Richard III, his first aim and objective. The princes were also in the way and
the Neville and Woodville families knew it. The risk was of agents in the pay
of the French King locating the hiding place of the princes in England, the
major item on their shopping list, and reporting back to HQ in France.3
We
know that the victorious Henry Tudor later revoked the Act of Parliament, which
bastardised the Woodville children, and married the elder sister of the
princes, Elizabeth of York. There was now no impediment. We also know if
findings are positive that Henry Tudor, now Henry VII, made a proposition to
Elizabeth Woodville and her daughter that the lives of the princes would be
spared if they agreed to remain silent on this collusive arrangement whereby
the two boys would assume false names and identities. However improbable it may
at first seem, the boys were condemned to life in the shadow lands of history
by their brother-in-law who instructed his skilled and highly effective
department of dirty tricks to notionally murder them in a black op. There is
more. The king characterized by his monstrous behaviour in Shakespeare’s
Richard III was not Richard III but Henry VII and many in the audience knew it.
Shakespeare’s debt to Thomas More for the characterization is total. The Debt
examines the case in detail. Read it!
The
new evidence suggests that the decision to remove the princes from London to a
safe house in the country, which we will return to again, was handed down to
trusted and long serving courtiers with children for company about the same
ages as the princes: Sir James Tyrrell and Sir Richard Guildford.
The
boys were spirited from the Tower to Gipping, deep in the heart of the Suffolk
countryside, the family home of Sir James Tyrrell. This tallies with
traditional Tyrrell family history. (ClickàFrequently
Asked QuestionsàSir James Tyrrell).
The
boys were later separated in a year to be determined. Edward V was taken into
the Guildford family living, possibly, at the Guildford family home at
Rolvenden in Kent. Tight security was maintained over a considerable period of
time. The prince is first recorded at court twenty–six years later, in 1509,
under the name and title Sir Edward Guildford, notionally the eldest son of Sir
Richard Guildford. The younger prince, Richard, Duke of York, was taken abroad
and six years later registered under his cover name, at the age of 16, in the
Faculty of Arts at the Catholic University of Louvain.4
The
evidence suggests the risk of denunciation by courtiers who might have
recognized Edward V between 1483 and 1509 diminished with time until at the age
of 39 years, one year after he had taken part in a tournament in 1508, it was
deemed quite safe for the prince to attend Court. The adult Edward V was now
unrecognisable by older courtiers as the boy prince who had disappeared more
than a quarter of a century earlier. Most but not all the new generation of
courtiers either did not know, or chose not to inquire too deeply into the true
origins of Sir Edward Guildford. Some may have tried and were executed for
treason. Many were executed for complicity in an undisclosed treason in Henry
VII.
The
risk for Edward V was less in 1509 after the death of his brother-in-law, Henry
VII, and some six months later, both princes appeared together at a Masked Ball
at Greenwich with their 18-year-old nephew, the successor king, Henry VIII. Now
grown men in the company of the king the risk of denouncing John Clement and
Sir Edward Guildford as impostors was for men of sterner stuff!
Someone
asks if and when Elizabeth Woodville was told her sons were apparently missing
from the royal apartments in the Tower of London.
I
believe it entirely possible that a so-called unconscious agent, a person who
unknowingly repeats an official lie, may have told Elizabeth Woodville her sons
were missing and had found it strange indeed that the Queen did not step across
the road to Westminster Hall and bludgeon the MPs to find them. After all, she
was a mother with all the natural feelings of a mother. This is my own
idealistic male reasoning. Female reasoning might be very different.
For
instance, at least one mother at Court had another insight and opinion. Once
more my male reasoning, “realistic” reasoning and open to challenge.
This
usually well-informed and highly privileged lady had heard the rumour that the
princes were staying with their mother at the Tyrrell family home in Suffolk
with permission of the king. The gossip from Spain was interesting. Ferdinand
was convinced a conspiracy was afoot. It is a matter for you to decide if the
lady may have told at least one friend.
5
Finally,
I have to draw attention that DNA findings may conclusively verify or falsify
the likelihood that the traditional Tyrrell family history is true history.
Having
examined a book of Tyrrell family genealogies compiled by a member of the
family from original documents, which cover a period of approximately two
thousand four hundred years, from the fifth century BC to the beginning of the
twentieth century AD, the family history merits close investigation by the
College of Arms. This seems to me entirely appropriate since it was Richard III
who founded the College in 1483.
By
now, you may not be in the least bit surprised why there is no record of a
claim by the mother of the two princes, not at any time, neither by a member of
her large Woodville family, the new aristocracy, nor from a member of the old
aristocracy, the Neville family, not in family papers or court records or in
the parchment rolls of parliament or in the detailed records of the Aldermen of
the City of London, that her children were missing.
Someone
suggests Woodville was insane. I have to inform you there is not a shred or
hint of evidence that Woodville was insane. Someone suggests that mothers
apparently behaved differently in those days. I must really and truly
congratulate the speaker for his courage and undoubted ability managing in very
few words to offend at least half the world population!
I
believe most mothers might behave differently if their children were really and
truly missing. Most mothers might ask each member of her family and friends if
they had seen the boys. The royal mother of the rightful heirs to the throne
may have done no less if the boys were really and truly missing. On the other
hand, there is no evidence of a claim by the mother, not from 1483 until her
death nine years later in 1492 that the princes were missing or dead -- the
solid core of NIET evidence for ongoing historical conjecture.
Let
us now return to our very pleasant task and begin by questioning the mother of
the missing children, the allegedly one un-doubtable source, Elizabeth
Woodville. Where were you, Ma’am, when told your sons had apparently disappeared
from the royal apartments in the Tower of London?
ELIZABETH WOODVILLE: I was in my bedchamber.
JL: Where precisely were you?
EW: I was asleep in my bed. I was awoken by one of the
Ladies-in-Waiting. It was early morning.
JL: Were you in your bedchamber in the Tower of London?
EW: No. I was staying at Westminster Abbey.
JL: Why were you not staying in the Tower of London? Why did you
take up residence in the Abbey? Was not Westminster Abbey closely associated
with the notion of sanctuary? The move was politically significant, was it not?
EW: I sought sanctuary from my Neville enemies. I had good
reason to fear that my Neville brother-in-law, now King Richard III, might
decide to do away with my two sons, Edward and Richard. I needed a safe haven
in the storm after the death of my husband in April, the Act in Parliament
charging bigamy by my late husband and bastardisation of my sons in June and
July, followed by the ascension to the throne of Richard of Gloucester as King
Richard III.
JL: Time has passed and upon mature reflection, was your
decision to seek sanctuary based on fact, or on supposed fact, concerning your
brother-in-law Richard?
EW: I was upset. I wanted to protect my children -- the
rightful heirs to the throne of England!
JL: No doubt you were upset, Ma’am, and wanted to protect your
children but not I submit for the reason stated and not according to the Rolls
of Parliament. The matter of your claim was contradicted and in dispute. Your
late husband was charged with having married you while pre-contracted to
Eleanor Butler. Your marriage was officially declared bigamous and your
children bastards...
EW: The case was not proved in court. My family and supporters
rejected the charge.
JL: It is true your Woodville family and friends rejected the
charge. It is also true that due to the sudden death of your Neville husband,
the case was not brought in the ecclesiastical court, the proper court to hear
such odd matrimonial matters.
EW: The case could not be brought because there was no
Petitioner and no Defendant!
JL: The case was nonetheless made before Parliament sitting in
full session in Westminster Hall without, as you rightly point out, a
Petitioner or Defendant to the bigamy charge. Experts still argue whether
Parliament had the right to make findings on matters outside their
jurisdiction. The fact is that parliament enacted against your interests and,
as we should expect, the contra argument of your supporters was that
parliament had been ‘intimidated’. I will return to this is later. For the
present, I put it to you that your brother-in-law, Richard of Gloucester,
Protector of England, so decreed in the Will of his late brother in the event
of his death, ascended the throne, legally married and the only undisputed
rightful heir in direct line from Edward III, now that the lines of descent
from Edward I and Edward II were broken. Do you dispute this?
EW: Richard usurped the throne from my son, the uncrowned king
Edward V in the year of the three kings, Edward IV, Edward V and Richard III.
My eldest son was a major threat to the usurper Richard, my younger son the
minor!
JL: Very well, Ma’am. You wish to dispute this. In that case
will you first please explain how two young boys aged 13 and 10 years were a
threat to a warrior king, unless you and your family might decide to overturn
an Act of Parliament in their names and usurp the throne? I put it to you that
the major aim and objective of the move into sanctuary was not personal but
political: to gain sympathy from the public for the new Woodville aristocracy
and damage the reputation of the old Neville aristocracy to further advantage
your support. Is this not so, Ma’am?
EW: It is not so. My sons represented an ongoing threat to
their uncle, who might decide to get rid of them.
JL: Did he get rid of them?
EW: He took them away from me in Westminster Abbey and locked
them up in the Tower. They disappeared during his reign!
JL: But did he in fact get rid of them, proven beyond
reasonable doubt, or was it made to look like he had got rid of them? Ma’am I
put it to you that you were sure your sons were being well cared for and were
safely guarded and out of harm’s way in the Tower. I further put it to you that
had it been otherwise and there was the slightest doubt in your mind or a true
reason to complain that your sons were not being well cared for or were not
totally safe in the care of their uncle, that the sound of your voice would
have bounced around the walls and out of the front and back door of Parliament.
You would have been heard and everyone would have listened to what you had to
say. You were, Ma’am, not averse to drawing attention to yourself -- and a
letter writer of note.
In
this connection, I have here a copy of your letter addressed to Sir William
Stonor overturning a decision of your husband. Stonor was not going to hunt the
deer in “your” forests, you wrote, even with a commission from the king your
husband. You humiliated your husband. You rode roughshod over your
husband in an insulting letter to a loyal supporter of his crown. You were not
a blushing violet, were you Ma’am? But to return to our central point: Did you
at any time have cause to claim and did you in fact claim that your sons or any
other of your children were not well cared for?
EW: I did not claim my children were not well cared for when
under my personal supervision.
JL: Were they perhaps treated badly at some time other than
when under your personal supervision?
EW: Perhaps they were. I think they certainly must have been.
JL: Were they badly treated to your certain knowledge?
EW: Not to my certain knowledge.
JL: May we therefore assume, since you did not have certain
knowledge or did not in fact complain of any ill treatment of your two sons,
that your sons were well treated? That is to say well treated at all relevant
times? In this connection, your eldest son was the first to be taken to the
Tower. Why did you later allow the younger boy to join his brother, unless you
were sure both boys were well cared for and would not be badly treated?
EW: The boys were taken from me, by force, by order of my
brother-in-law.
JL: There is not a shred of evidence to corroborate what you
allege; namely, that the boys were taken from you by force. I will return again
to the allegation that the eldest boy was taken forcibly from you. For the
present, I submit that you handed over the younger boy yourself to the officer
in charge of the troop of soldiers sent by your brother-in-law to escort the
boy to The Tower. I put it to you that your brother-in-law was, in fact,
following protocol by sending an escort to guard your son. This is still custom
and practice today. I further put it to you that if there was truly a risk,
whether real or imaginary, or the slightest true doubt in your mind concerning
the well being and safety of your sons in the care of their uncle, you had only
to step across the road for your objection to be heard in Westminster Hall. Why
did you not cross the road?
EW: It was little consolation to me that having been forcibly
taken from me, my sons would be together in a prison.
JL: The boys were not in a prison. The Tower of London was not
a prison. It was a royal palace. They had their own bedroom and free run of the
place. Both were seen in the palace grounds target shooting with bows and
arrows. To suggest they were imprisoned and in a prison is false. There is
more.
I
put it to you that your sons were safer in a royal palace behind the defended
walls of The Tower than behind the undefended walls of Westminster Abbey. Where
would the man on the Clapham omnibus rather be, Ma’am, if his life were truly
at risk? 6
I
put it to you that you had heard the news from the North that your brother had
been executed, allegedly without trial. The reason for the charge made against
your brother by your brother-in-law was the highly contentious and provocative
claim of your family, which a Northern judge found treasonable, that England
was a Woodville and not a Neville protectorate. Richard acted like the Centurion
at the death of Christ, a soldier obliged by swearing an oath to protect the
interests of Rome. This made you extremely cautious.
However,
if it can be proved that the princes lived on, it also means you had received
assurances from your brother-in-law you were not to be harmed and your children
would be cared for and well looked after in the Tower of London. Richard did
not kill women and children. Your brother-in-law was a good man. There was one
more factor in your considerations. The contributory factor and one more
additional reason for compliance was the imminent risk of invasion led by the
exiled Welshman, Henry Tudor, sailing up the Thames with a horde of French
terrorists. You knew your brother-in-law was the first person who stood in
Henry’s way and would have to be disposed of. You also knew your family were at
risk unless, and this is proven beyond any possible shadow of doubt, you agreed
to the marriage of your daughter, Elizabeth of York, to the worthy Tudor, which
you attended on the 18th January, 1486.
EW: My sons were taken to the Tower on Richard’s orders because
they were a threat to his throne in the event of an uprising against the
usurper king!
JL: Your supporters made this false charge against your
brother-in-law and made other outlandish and unlikely allegations because they
were desperate to try and find something to discredit him with. I have to draw
attention to an odd and unsubstantiated claim concerning your daughter,
Elizabeth of York.
EW: The hand of my daughter, Elizabeth of York, was sought in
marriage by the king my brother-in-law. Elizabeth had become infatuated with
her uncle and wrote him a love letter.
JL: Yes, we also have a copy of this letter. It is a disgraceful
letter. However, if your daughter indeed became infatuated with her uncle and
wrote him an indiscreet love letter as alleged, which may or may not have been
a forged letter and part of a black-op by the Woodville faction, there is no
evidence that the uncle behaved badly towards your daughter or the other children
of his late brother. Not at any time. The infamous story of your daughter
Elizabeth being courted by her uncle Richard was denied at Clerkenwell and
Richard threatened severe punishment for anyone who repeated the calumny!
On
the contrary, the evidence suggests Richard of Gloucester, later Richard III,
was considerate and generous to all in his realm who did not challenge his
right to rule. Despite uprisings by dissidents in England, few heads were lost.
This suggests a gracious winner not only of the hand but also of the heart. It
does NOT suggest a ruthless and vindictive warrior king.
The
evidence further suggests the uncle was kindly disposed towards all his other
nephews and nieces. I will return to this again. For the present, I have one or
two questions more to put to you. I wish to return to the moment you were told
your two children were missing. Who told you?
EW: I was told almost immediately, by a group of Tower people.
JL: Where were you, when you were told, and what did you do?
EW: I was in Westminster Abbey and immediately ordered the
search to be repeated until the boys were found.
JL: Did you order a renewed search and, if so, when did you
order the search to be abandoned?
EW: I did not order the search to be abandoned.
JL: What did you do when told the boys had not been found?
EW: I sent an urgent message that I wished to see the boys’
uncle, my brother-in-law, King Richard III.
JL: Did you see your brother-in-law?
EW: Yes.
JL: Did you see him the same day?
EW: I cannot remember. The same day or perhaps the following
day.
JL: While waiting to see the king, or after having seen the
king, did you at any time, then or at any time thereafter, go to Westminster
Hall and tell any one of the officials or a member of parliament that the two
rightful heirs to the throne of England had disappeared and you were asking for
help to find them?
EW: No, I did not.
JL: Why not?
EW: I left the announcement to my family and friends on the
Privy Council.
JL: In this connection, are you surprised there is no mention
in the records of the Privy Council of a claim either by you or someone close
to you or indeed by anyone else that your sons were missing from the royal
apartments in the Tower of London? Are you surprised that nothing is recorded
on the Rolls of Parliament about the undoubted disappearance of two rightful
heirs to the throne of England who were never seen again? Are you surprised
that royal watchers today would never believe it possible that Prince Charles
and Prince Andrew might disappear forever and nothing was said at any time
thereafter by close or extended family -- Not their mother? Nor grandmother?
Not their elder sister? Not one of their younger sisters? Not just one of many
aunts and uncles?
Why
did you not ensure the announcement was made in person in Westminster Hall?
There was always the risk that someone else might say this and it might not be
believed – that it was rather a bad joke…
EW: Yes. I was upset. It was a mistake.
JL: Were you so upset that you no longer felt compelled to want
to find out what had happened to your sons?
EW: No. I am saying it was a mistake.
JL I am sorry to have to press you but are you saying it was a
mistake not to visit Westminster Hall and tell just one person in authority
that your children were missing? Or, are you saying it is a mistake to leave
oneself open to a charge of unreasonable and uncaring behaviour towards one’s
children due perhaps to insanity? Or was there perhaps some other reason we
have not yet touched upon?
EW: It was a terrible mistake, which I now regret.
JL: Do you now regret that your alleged mistake, and I am now
obliged to choose my words even more deliberately, forestalled any remedial
action? For instance, parliament would have reacted immediately. Descriptions
of the children would have been sent to every city and town in England,
Scotland, Wales and Ireland and if they had not been found within three days,
the news would have reached Europe soon after. However, just one report is
found, in just one place, in the French Parliament, as we might by now expect
if the story had been planted misinformation in a deception targeting Richard
III. The French parliamentary record states, without hesitation or
equivocation, the king of England had murdered your sons. N’enculons pas des
mouches, Madame. Do you not see how your reputation is at risk? Are you not
on a dangerously slippery downward slope?
EW: Yes, I put my reputation at risk.
JL: I must press you further. From the time of the death of
your husband in 1483 until your own death in 1492, a period of nine years,
there is no record, official or otherwise, of a claim by you, the one
un-doubtable source, that your sons were either dead or missing. It might seem
undeniable that when a mother does not claim her sons are dead or missing, as
already explained and made clear, we may reasonably conclude her sons are
neither dead nor missing. Neither did you attribute responsibility for their
disappearance to your deceased brother-in-law after 1485, Richard III, nor to
your living son-in-law, Henry VII. We may further reasonably assume a high risk
of disclosure by a mother should either her brother-in-law or son-in-law
attempt to abduct her children against her will. This NIET evidence directly
contradicts the official view that the princes were murdered and that the
person responsible was either your brother-in-law or your son-in-law. My
reservations concern the likelihood that the princes were neither dead nor
missing but had disappeared from public view with your full knowledge and
consent and the full knowledge and consent of your brother-in-law and, later,
your son-in-law. This is a best-fit hypothesis based soundly on a
balance of probability. It is the way this odd evidence may eventually make
sense to the man on the Clapham Omnibus.
Lastly,
I have to inform you that I must also look for a motive and explanation for
your reported activities. First, an independent inquiry may be surprised that
the possibility of a collusive arrangement between the principals, that is to
say between you, your daughter, your brother-in-law and later your son-law,
which resulted in the mysterious disappearance of your two young sons was never
tested. It was overlooked that the disappearance might be directly related to
the silence of their mother and the subsequent marriage of their elder sister
(Elizabeth of York) to the victorious leader of the succeeding dynasty, Henry
Tudor, later King Henry VII. To save your life and the lives of your children
and ensure the continued safety of your large family, you agreed to remain
silent upon the continued existence of your two sons, the rightful heirs to the
English throne. You then consented for your daughter to marry the newly crowned
legal heir, Henry VII – a collusive arrangement with your son-in-law. The
motive for your silence, from start to finish, was Fear – Fear of inherent
disclosure, denouncement and discontinuity in the event of non-compliance.
In
conclusion, you have charged your brother-in-law the king with bad and
unreasonable behaviour towards you and your children. I would like to test this
obliquely. It will not take long.
For
the record, you have claimed that you were fearful for the lives of yourself
and your children after the death of your husband. Were you fearful during his
lifetime?
EW: No. Never. Not in the slightest.
JL: For the record again, I have to draw attention there is no
evidence of bad behaviour by your brother-in-law towards you or your children
either before or after the death of your late husband.
EW: That is a matter of opinion.
JL: It is hardly a matter of opinion that there is no evidence
of bad behaviour towards you and your children either before the death of your
late husband or after the death of your late husband, given under oath in a
court of law, that your life and the lives of your children were in danger from
your brother-in-law. This uncorroborated allegation may be significant in a
serious investigation, meriting further examination.
For
instance, it might seem undeniable after the death of your husband that you
were far more comfortable if you had chosen to stay in a warm and dry royal
palace rather than a cold and draughty Abbey…
EW: The royal apartments in the Tower of London were a short
distance from the Abbey. I wanted to be near my sons.
JL: The Abbey is more than one mile from the Tower. Barnard’s
Castle was closer. Let us say about half the distance, less than half a mile.
Why did you not choose to stay at the home of the grandmother of your children?
EW: The Neville Duchess Cecily of York believed I had entrapped
her son. Our relationship was not good.
JL: I put it to you that your late husband had a reputation for
undifferentiated womanising. That you did indeed entrap him by agreeing to a
secret marriage without insisting the Banns be called. The wedding ceremony
took place in your country home. The announcement that the king had married was
made more than six months later. Finally, there is no evidence that the
ceremony took place in the presence of the mother of the king, Duchess Cecily
Neville. But this is peripheral to our case. Please explain once more your
decision to seek sanctuary after the death of your husband and why precisely
you remained in sanctuary after your sons had been taken to the Tower?
EW: I have told you already. My sons were a focus of attention
and a major threat to my brother-in-law’s throne, which I say he usurped from
the rightful heirs, my sons!
JL: We have dealt with the claim of your opponents in
Parliament, that your children were no longer rightful heirs to the throne and
the undoubted fact that you did not appear before the parliament to claim your
two sons were missing. Further, it might seem undeniable a mother with all the
natural feelings of a mother might tell SOMEONE her sons are missing and, in
this connection, there is indeed the evidence of an alleged medical doctor, Dr.
Argentine, who when asked about the Queen, merely replied that she was ‘upset’.
If it is true you were upset by your dashed hopes for your children’s future
marriages, because they were illegitimate, we can accept this as likely
behaviour of a mother in a bigamous marriage. However, if you persist that you
were upset because you were only worried about the well being of your two sons,
as already explained and made clear, it is of course possible but of very low
probability. I put it to you that you were upset because of another option. To
appear before Parliament would have meant leaving the sanctuary of Westminster
Abbey to step across the road to where the MPs sat in Westminster Hall. There
is something you have not told us and I submit that you have not told the
truth, the so-called whole truth and nothing but the truth, not at all and not
any moment during our discussions so far.
Factually,
you were no stranger to Westminster Hall. You had been there on more than one
occasion in some twenty years of marriage to Edward IV. We have not heard today
a compelling reason from you, Ma’am, why the official history has no record
either of you or of any member of your large family and extended family
reporting the disappearance of your two sons to Parliament sitting in
Westminster Hall.
I
have further to draw attention that there is not the slightest hint of insanity
in the historical record of your family and, since the likelihood of a sane
mother, any mother, not reporting the disappearance of her two young sons is so
odd and remote an option as to be dismissed out of hand, unless you produce a
cogent reason for your silence, you risk standing at the bar of history charged
with their murder.
I
have no further questions but request the right to recall this witness at a
later stage.
Perhaps
this is the moment to stop, for just one minute, and summarize once more the
evidence. Firstly, do we agree that within twenty-four hours and no more than
seventy-two hours, that if the princes were really and truly missing there
would have taken place a careful and extensive search inside palace walls and
outside in the streets and alleyways of the City of London? We may further
conceivably decide that instructions for the search included the nearby home of
the grandmother of the two princes, the Duchess Cecily Neville, and London home
of the boys’ uncle and the Duchess’s only remaining son, now King Richard III.
Oddly, there is no record of a claim by the Duchess that her two grandsons were
missing. You may think this odd indeed unless the plan of deception required
the grandmother to remain silent and that she did in fact agree to remain
silent on the true whereabouts of her two grandsons. Furthermore, you may
conceivably decide the Neville Duchess placed the safety and well being of her
grandchildren above her natural resentment at the lack of consideration for her
feelings shown by the Woodville Queen for having entrapped her Neville son.
Similarly,
I have to draw attention that there is no contemporary record of the
disappearance of the princes in any of the ancient archives of the great cities
of England, neither in the archives of the Merchant and Tradesmen Guilds of
London, nor in any other archive. More’s hearsay evidence is worthless in a
serious investigation. He knew it and now we know it.
Finally,
from watching Captain Bob steer the glorious old river boat Clifton Castle up
and down the narrow and shallow reaches of the Thames and from
personal experience of navigating flood and ebb tides on London River over a
substantial period of time, the river is tidal upstream as far as Richmond Lock
or perhaps a little beyond Teddington on the highest, high tides. I assume ebb
and flow may have been much the same in the 15th and early 16th
centuries. The strongest ebb swollen with upland water might reach as far
downstream or perhaps even further beyond Gravesend.
It
means that following the disappearance of the Princes from the Tower in or
about mid to late October, common sense tells us to expect to see an
official order for a thorough search for the princes covering each side of the
Thames, some thirty five miles of docks and busy waterway. There is no such
order on record.
Common
sense further tells us that river people keep a weather eye open day and night.
Do you think a search party of royal servants might have escaped the attention
of the river people? Dead bodies sometimes float in the river. Was a reward
offered for information leading to recovery of the bodies of two young boys
from the river? Do you think the scavengers might have been out in force to
find the bodies? If DNA findings are positive there was nothing to find.
Finally,
there is just one more question I want to ask. I intend to recall the Dowager
Queen of England, Elizabeth Woodville, and ask her once more, pressure her if
necessary, to tell us why she chose to stay in sanctuary instead of joining her
children in the Tower.
JL: Ma’am, Why did you not immediately leave the Abbey to join
your children and ensure that they were safe and well cared for in The Tower?
Why did you prefer to stay in a cold and draughty Abbey rather than the
well-furnished and heated royal apartments in The Tower?
EW: I preferred to stay where I knew I was safe.
JL: Thank you, Ma’am. Are you saying that you were unsafe for
some other reason not yet discussed?
EW: No. I was safe from my brother-in-law.
JL: Ma’ am, are you saying you were safe from the possible
attentions of your brother-in-law ONLY when you were in sanctuary? If that were
true, why did you leave sanctuary and resume life outside sanctuary? Why did
you turn? Please tell us precisely what happened to make you turn? Were
you turned? Who turned you? Or, did you turn yourself?
EW: There was no single reason. As you say, it was freezing
cold in the Abbey. The wind blew straight in at the front door and out the back
door!
JL:I have to draw attention that no less a person than a saint,
the patron saint of common lawyers, Thomas More, claims in his RICHARD
that you ordered a wall to be knocked down in Westminster Abbey in order to
bring in all your furniture. You may conceivably agree that the impression is
of a first intention to reside in comfortable surroundings for more than a
short period. Is this not so, Ma’am? My question is what happened to make you
fear for your life and enter sanctuary soon after the death of your husband.
Secondly, why did you change your mind and not remain in sanctuary as you had
first intended?
EW: I changed my mind. Obviously, I became tired of the Abbey.
JL: I would like to return some two months in time before you
had become tired of living in the Abbey -- from April to June, there or
thereabouts, in 1483. Your husband had died on the 9th April. The
death was sudden and the cause of death unknown. There is merely a short
mention of ‘a pensifous sickness’ that led to the death of the king, which
suggests some sort of illness brought on perhaps by excessive worry for a short
period of time or perhaps a more serious depressive illness over a considerable
period of time. Ma’am, did the king take his own life?
EW: Yes. He died from overeating and drinking. He was a
glutton.
JL: Let me rephrase the question more precisely, Ma’am, did the
king commit suicide?
EW: No, he died because he was a glutton all his life.
JL: Do you mean he constantly ate and drank without careful
consideration of what he was eating and drinking?
EW: Yes.
JL: I have now to draw attention that you allowed burial of
your husband at Windsor without waiting for the arrival of two of the principal
mourners: the uncrowned king, your eldest son Edward V, and the Protector of
England, your brother-in-law, Richard of Gloucester, later King Richard III.
For
the record, the two parties met outside Northampton, Edward V coming from the
West, from Ludlow in Wales, and Richard of Gloucester, travelling from the
North where Richard had been supervising family interests on the borders of Scotland
and England. Northampton is some sixty miles from London, two or three days
ride on a good horse. Uncle and nephew were suitably dressed and en route for
the funeral. They arrived in London to be told at Hornsey that the royal
funeral had already taken place at Windsor.
In
this connection, I submit there was no formal closure, no time for grieving by
the family and extended family, no public expressions of grief, and this was
more than just the odd and arbitrary decision of a distressed widow. It was
deliberate. I submit your brother-in-law had every right to be angry with you
for allowing the protocols of a royal funeral to be disregarded. I put it to
you once more. Why did you allow this burial to take place without awaiting the
arrival of your son and brother-in-law? I further put it to you that your
intention was to hide something you did not want your son or brother-in-law to
see, the give away traces of poison around and inside your husband’s mouth that
killed your husband. The true reason you sought sanctuary was to avoid a charge
of murder.
Notwithstanding
the non-medical opinion that your husband died of some sort of depressive
illness, you did not leave sanctuary from fear – the risk of being charged with
a treasonable offence -- having drugged and poisoned the king!
(To be
continued.)
The role
players discussed suicide and the possibility that Edward IV had deliberately
killed himself. The facts are undeniable. Burial of a monarch preceded by
ceremonial lying in state is royal protocol over a substantial period of time
and this NIET positive evidence is contradicted and in dispute in the matter of
the burial of Edward IV in St George’s Chapel at Windsor. 7
The date of
death is recorded on 9th April 1483 without an official cause of
death. For instance, there is no official record nor is it stated in letters
from friends or family that the king died peacefully in his sleep. This is
slightly troubling. There is more. The royal coffin was opened three hundred
and six years later, in 1789, without prior reason for the exhumation or
subsequent official explanation. The skeleton measured six feet three inches.
However, this unsolicited information volunteered by the persons present at the
opening of the coffin, which we may assume included medical doctors, does not
tell us what we want to know, which may be established conclusively with modern
methods and technology -- the probable cause of death.
I have to
draw attention that traces of many diseases may remain in the bony remains long
after death. Similarly, the traces of poisons may remain in hair, bones and
body tissues. Traces of poison may be immediately recognizable. Cyanide may
leave slight blue traces in bony remains, which may be verified or falsified in
the forensic laboratory. The non-medical opinion of the probable cause of death
-- ‘a pensivous sicknesse’ -- is not soundly based. It simply will not do.
In the
absence of a medical opinion of the most likely cause of death given by the
royal doctors in the 15th and 18th centuries, the
circumstances surrounding the death and burial of Edward IV merit further
investigation on legal grounds -- death may have been from poisoning self
administered by the deceased or, alternatively, there may have been foul play
by a person or persons unknown.
Burial of a
suicide in consecrated ground, then as now, is forbidden by Church custom and
rule. Burial of a monarch may take place in consecrated ground. In this
connection, there is a case to answer if the body of the king in 1483 or the
skeleton in 1789 were unnaturally discoloured. It is for you to decide if the
royal doctors said nothing before the burial if there were indeed recognizable
symptoms of poisoning. What of royal doctors in the 18th century?
Did they see cyanotic stains and were silenced? What of the royal doctors
today? A judge has extraordinary powers and may order anyone to appear before
him where there is good reason to believe a crime may have been committed. Was
a crime in fact committed?
Careless and
self-indulgent, the king was unaware that his favourites were betraying him. Dictionary
of National Biography lists the known betrayers. (See: ‘Edward IV’, DNB)
However, if evidence of poison is found in the bony remains of the king and
this evidence is scientifically verified, there is another charge to be laid,
the most serious charge in the criminal calendar: a murder charge against
Elizabeth Woodville. The Queen is the number one suspect with motive and
opportunity to have killed her husband.
In this
connection, a specific charge made against Elizabeth Woodville in the Rolls of
Parliament focussed on the serious allegation of witchcraft. This was not a
charge lightly made against a Queen and fifty-three years later a charge of
witchcraft was made against Anne Boleyn who was found guilty of having
‘bewitched’ Henry VIII. Boleyn was beheaded.
Most people
do not understand what is meant by witchcraft. Let us take a short pause, for
just one minute, to look at what is known about witchcraft in general and, in
particular, the use of herbal drugs in witchcraft.8
For
instance, however improbable it might seem, the use of drugs by women to entrap
men has been known down the centuries. Witches in the Middle Ages made and
distributed such drugs to their clients.
The charge
is unequivocal in the Act -- Woodville used witchcraft to entrap Edward IV. I
may now return to the evidence hidden in the portrait of King Richard III in
the National Portrait Gallery suggesting on going resentment of the members of
parliament at the behaviour of successive monarchs in their cavalier treatment
of Parliament. For instance, the members had not forgotten Edward IV did not
inform Parliament of his intention to marry Elizabeth Woodville. The king had
married the queen in secret. Parliament was not told until many months later
and Parliament was incensed. The implication was clear. Woodville had used
drugs to make the king careless and self-indulgent. The “entrapment” was beyond
any possible shadow of doubt.
A similar
charge was made against Elizabeth Woodville’s mother, Jacquetta, Duchess of
Bedford, that she had instructed her daughter in the ways of the world: a
parliamentary euphemism, presumably, for how to entrap men and other very important
persons. We will have to consider carefully whether there is a price to pay by
each party, sooner or later, for entrapment. We may then test Elizabeth
Woodville directly. We want to know the price paid by the Queen. Did the Queen
pay the price? Precisely, we need to know The What, The Where, The When and The
Why. We will also try to find out who may have helped and in what and every
which way.
Lastly, the
lack of Edward IV’s consideration for the feelings of his wife, over a
substantial period of time, merits close examination. For instance, Woodville
may have been prepared to overlook the marital indiscretions of her husband
when he came to the Court with his illegitimate child by Lady Elizabeth Blount,
Arthur Plantagenet, named and openly acknowledged as his son.
This was the
acceptable price a Queen may have to pay. The price was acceptable because an
illegitimate child outside a royal marriage did not affect the Queen’s status
or the status of her children as the legal heirs.
However,
when a pre-contract of marriage between Edward IV and the Lady Eleanor Butler
was written into a Bill in Parliament and the members decreed the marriage of
the late king to Elizabeth Woodville bigamous and her children bastards, we
have the profile of a wife shamed and humiliated by her husband and if the
husband did not take his own life, the prime suspect with motive to kill him
was his wife, the plot of a Kurosawa epic.9
Addendum
Since I
started this piece, I have received comments from more than one reader
disappointed by David Baldwin’s book.
I am sorry
that Douglas Weekes is disappointed with the work of a writer who no doubt
slaved over a keyboard for many months to get his book published. Cheer up
Douglas! Mr Baldwin is correct in one very important particular worth
repeating. There is no record discovered to-date, neither in the British Isles
nor on the Continent of Europe, of a claim by the mother of the princes,
Elizabeth Woodville, that her sons had been murdered or they had died from
natural causes, nor indeed that they were even missing.
Mr Baldwin acknowledges this
without equivocation:
‘There is, of course, no definitive proof that the
boys had been murdered…
Mr Baldwin
makes a further point, reasonable and compelling:
…but Elizabeth
would have been more concerned that anyone to discover what had become of them…
Mr Baldwin then
strays into the path of the Clapham omnibus:
…and it is
difficult to avoid the conclusion that she had learned the worst.’
…and predictably
is knocked down:
Predictably,
as already explained and made clear, when confronted by the central fact that
we are dealing with a case of missing persons and there is no physical proof of
death from natural or unnatural cause acceptable in a court of law, Mr Baldwin
hits the rigid and unbending wall of real life.
Remembering
this is a legal case to be decided by lawyers, does the writer mean Woodville
had received physical proof of the death of her two sons beyond any possible
shadow of doubt? That she had identified the dead bodies? That the bodies of
her husband and her two sons were buried in a royal tomb? That appropriate
protocol had been accorded at royal death?
On the other
hand, common sense tells the ordinary man, loudly and clearly, either the
princes were dead or they were alive and there is no other option. Common sense
also tells us this is testable and if DNA findings are positive, the worst
Woodville learned was not the death but the notional death of her sons,
condemning them to life in the shadow of the Tudors.
What is
common sense and difficult to avoid is the conclusion that Mr Baldwin is no
doubt very good at his best but straining after effect is liable to collapse
into twaddle.
1. The list of paintings
published to-date at the Web site or on CD ROM: Sir Thomas More and his
Family, “The Ambassadors”, The portraits of Henry VIII, Richard III, Anne of
Cleves, Sir Thomas More, “the so-called Goldsmith, Hans of Antwerp”, Sir
Richard Southwell, Georg Gisze, The companion portraits of Sir Henry and Lady
Guildford.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
2. Traditionally, actors may sometimes wear plain black outfits, a sort of black ‘cat suit’, during a workshop on stage or in a rehearsal room.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
3. Sir John Masterman,
former vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford and self-confessed a wartime
director of the “Double-Cross Committee” (known in MI5 records as the ‘XX
Committee’) who supervised my early work concluded there is nothing we can
teach our clever ancestors about deception. Throughout history, the keepers of
secrets expected foreign agents to be active in their capital city,
Intelligence gathering, and took appropriate measures to identify and keep the
agents under surveillance. The skills continue to be honed and improved by
National Security Agencies today. The major aim and objective of the
intelligence gatherer is to report back to HQ the results of his investigation
on the contents of his “shopping list”. The major aim and objective of the
agent provocateur is to plant misinformation and disinformation in secret
operations or “black-ops” and report back to HQ. Counter-intelligence
intercepts these reports to and from HQ with modern methods and technology and
acts accordingly, which we may never know.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
4. (See: Frequently Asked
QuestionsàInvestigation in Flanders) I have to draw attention that the boys’ aunt,
the Dowager Duchess Margaret of Burgundy (née Margaret of York)
(1446-1503), married the late Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. Her court was
at Malines the former capital of Flanders also known today as Mechelen, one
hour’s ride down the old arrow straight Roman road from the old Catholic
University of Louvain where the young John Clement was studying in the Faculty
of Arts. But this is peripheral to the case. What is central to the known
history is that Aunt Margaret was the “banker” funding opposition to the Tudors
for as long as she lived and the most likely provider for her nephew, the young
John Clement exiled in Flanders.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
5. The conjectured one
well-informed lady at court, a usually reliable source close to the crown,
heard whispers that the Spanish King had received news of the princes’
disappearance from his Ambassador in London. The extant enciphered reply from
King Ferdinand of Spain, addressed to his ambassador at the Court of St James,
is the documentary source confirming my view based on research into the Holbein
evidence, that a conspiracy was indeed afoot. The secret correspondence between
the king and his ambassador now in the royal archives at Simancas was found and
deciphered many years later by Gustave Adolphe Bergenroth (1813-1869).
Bergenroth, it is reported, had ‘a most remarkable talent as a decipherer,
interpreting more than twelve ciphers of exceeding difficulty, with which the
Spanish archivists were themselves unacquainted, or the keys to which they
withheld from him’. (See: ‘Bergenroth’, Dictionary of National Biography).
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
6. What is the risk of
being murdered in a Cathedral? Thomas à Becket was murdered in Canterbury Cathedral
and Elizabeth Woodville knew it. The risk of excommunication did not stop
killers violating the sanctity of Church. Nonetheless, the risk of a person
being murdered in a Church is low. The risk of a woman being murdered in a
church is very low. The risk of murder for a woman in Westminster Abbey is
very, very low.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
7. History records at
least one burial of a monarch without official protocol. For instance, Richard
III’s body was buried without ceremony after the Battle of Bosworth, allegedly
in a nearby abbey. No hard documentary evidence of the burial, or the body, has
been found to-date. I suggest there can be no closure until the body of Richard
III is found and identified by DNA profiling, and its final place of burial
recorded in the Rolls of Parliament.
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
8. I am grateful to Dr
Ann Harding for her expert opinion on witches and witchcraft in mediaeval
Europe. The medical books of the day indeed refer to herbal drugs that may
induce careless and irrational behaviour if taken to excess. One option: the
king may have been prescribed drugs by royal doctors and took these drugs to
excess in 1483, which slowly killed him, perhaps leaving no trace. A second
option: the king may have been unaware he had ingested drugs in his food or
drink, which slowly killed him, perhaps leaving no trace. A third option: one
massive drug over dose, taken knowingly, may kill quickly leaving a
recognizable trace. There is no other option. However, it has been known for
many centuries that poisons may be taken in small quantities over a period of
time and the body may become de sensitised. An ancient king of Asia Minor,
Mithridates, took a small dose of poison each day to guard against the
attentions of his family. This traditional story from Classical times became
popular when Shakespeare referred in a play to a cure-all remedy of the day
‘Mithridatum’. There was a moral to the story. The king later decided to take his own life and poison would not kill him.
Solon of Athens, one of the Wise Men of Greece who may have known the story of
Mithridates, is reported to have said: ”Remember the end!”
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
9. ‘a KUROSAWA epic’: The remarkable revenge-theme in the epic
Japanese feature film "RAN" (Akira KUROSAWA, 1985) is characterized
by the Lady KAEDE who brings down the House of ICHIMONJI, represented by the
warlord HIDETORA (her father-in-law) and his three sons; 1. TARO (Lady KAEDE's
husband); 2. JIRO; and, 3. SUBARU (Lady KAEDE's two brothers-in-law).
HIDETORA's resultant madness has been compared to the madness of the king in
William SHAKESPEARE's "KING LEAR". Kurosawa’s Lady KAEDE is fiction
born of Kurosawa’s imagination. Finally, I have to draw attention that
History’s Elizabeth Woodville is fiction born of historians’ imagination. The
real person is hinted at by the remarkable and deliberate spelling of her
surname on her tombstone at Windsor, which is unique. The inscription reads
‘Elizabeth WYDVILE’: ‘Widow Vile’ or, ‘Vile Widow’?
(Click “ß Back” to return to your last place in the text)
Click ß“Back”.
Vol. 4, No. 2.
Last
revision √ 0030501
The Will
¶7 CAESAR CLEMENT D.D.
This
biography is respectfully dedicated to the memory of the late
Sister
Mary Salomé
I have to draw attention that Dr. Caesar Clement was the illegitimate
son of Thomas Clement M.A.1 This is verified in the Will of Caesar
Clement, published for the first time hereinafter. (See, below.) Born and died
in Louvain, his death is recorded in 1626, age at death unknown.2
Dr. Clement was Dean of St. Gudula's, Brussels, and benefactor of St. Monica's,
Louvain, where Thomas Clement's youngest sister, Mother Margaret Clement, one
of the first co-foundresses, was Prioress.3
Note 1. See: LOUANT A. Correspondence
d'Ottavio Frangipani, premier nonce de Flandre (1596-1606), Tome III,
Bruxelles/Rome, 1942, pp.209-210:
Frangipani to
Aldobrandino (Secretary of State in Rome), from Brussels, 10th Feb. 1601.
Recommendation en faveur de César Clement, prêtre, né
a Louvain de parents anglais non mariés; le père [Grandfather], gentilhomme
très instruit élève de Thomas Morus [John Clement], vit exilé en Flandre
depuis 42 ans.[d.1572] Le jeune homme dont il s'agit est ancien
élève du collège anglais de Rome [1579], il est revenu en Flandre pour
assister son vieux père [Thomas Clement was born in 1532 and died,
conjecturally, some time after 1601, see above; and some time before 1606, see
below] et, depuis cinq ans [since 1596], il a été admis comme
chapelain domestique par les archiducs. Les conditions de sa
naissance ne sont pas connue [sic] publiquement.
Demande de dispense d'irregularité afin de lui permettre de jouir d'une dignité
ou d'un bénéfice ecclésiastique.
Another letter from
Frangipani to Cardinal Farnesa, from Brussels, dated 28th January 1600
(p. 87, ibid.) states that Caesar Clement had been a priest for fourteen
years and was at the English College, Rome, for eight years. (See bottom of
document)
Note 2. Probably
born about 1560. See, also:
THE BENEFACTOR'S
BOOK of St. Monica's:
Item: The Very Reverend Cesar Clement, Doctor of
Divinity, Proto Notary of the Church of Rome, Dean of St. Gudula's at Bruxels
and great benefactor of our monastery, his parents [the name of
his mother is not given] and friends.
Official status and
year of death. See: SANDERI A, Presbyteri Chorographia Sacra
Brabantiae, Tomus Primus, Hagae Comitum, apud Christianum Van Lom, Bibliopolam,
1726, p.245, Vol. III:
Basilicae Bruxellensis. Caput VII. XXIX. D. Caesar Clemens S. Th. Doctor
Delegatus Apostolicus in exercitibus Catholicae suae Majestatis tam
in Germaniae partibus, quam Belgio, obiit 1626.
Note 3. See: the entry in
THE BENEFACTOR'S BOOK of the Order beginning:
'The Easter part of all our Sisters, Parents and Friends who have
maintained us, either with portions, money or alms, or been our particular
Benefactors any way.
Item, Revd Mother Margaret
Clement who had been Prioress at St Ursula's 38 years [from 1570], and received
all our Elders there, and came afterwards hither [to St Monica's] with them to
begin the Monastery. Her nephew Doctor Clement was also a principal help in the
Erection of this house, he gave us 2000 guilders towards the building of our
Church, and at his death left us 80 [180?] guilders of perpetual rent for a
weekly Mass, also a Silver Crucifix, a pair of silver Candlesticks, a pair of
silver Cruets, with two flower pots of silver, a silver box for breads, a
silver cupp for ablution wine, a fair Chalice with a veil to it, divers
pictures, stools, chairs, and cusions, with a Turkey worked foot cloth for the
high Altar, and most of our relics, also the case with Sir Thomas Moor's shirt
of hair, and some silver pictures set with Ebony.
cf. the extract above
with the Will of Dr. Caesar Clement, below:
The Obituary Book, the Dirge Book and the Benefactors Book, formerly in
the loving care of Sister Mary Salomé (d. 1995), remain to-day the property of
the Canonesses of Windesheim, at the Priory of Our Lady, Sayers Common,
Hassocks, West Sussex (formerly at St. Augustine's Priory, Newton Abbot, Devon:
community disbanded since 1983). See also: Addenda & Corrigenda,
item 228, "The King's Good Servant" (Moreana XVI, Vol. 61, p.
49, item 228).
---------------
The following extract is from Joseph GILLOW’s Biographical Dictionary
of the English Catholics from the Breach with Rome in 1534 to the present time,
publ. Burns & Oates, 1885, Vol. I., pp. 496-498, re. Caesar Clement.
Clement, Caesar, D.D., great-nephew [grandson] of John Clement, Esq., M.D.,
and nephew to the venerable Mother Margaret, Prioress of St. Ursula's, Louvain,
was sent to Douay when very young, and accompanied the College in its removal
to Rheims in 1578. In the following year he proceeded to Rome,
and was admitted as a convictor in the English College, for his humanity
studies, by command of the Cardinal Protector Moroni. Shortly afterwards Dr.
Allen obtained leave of the Pope that he might be changed to an alumnus of the
Holy Father, who would in future pay his charges.
Having been ordained priest, he left Rome, in Oct. 1587,
to meet his father in Flanders, [John Clement died 1572] but was
received in the College at Rheims on the following Dec. 1.
Continuing his studies, he received his degree of D.D. in one of the
Italian universities [?], and subsequently was made Dean of St. Gudule's in
Brussels, and Vicar-General of the King of Spain's army in Flanders, a
very influential and considerable position, carrying with it the nomination and
jurisdiction of the rest of the chaplains.
In this position he was enabled to be of great service to his countrymen
in exile, who always found him ready to assist them.
It was to his influence and generosity that the English nuns at Louvain
owed their establishment and convent of St. Monica. The prudence and
disinterestedness which he usually displayed gained him universal esteem,
insomuch that both public and private differences were often referred to his
arbitration.
The most notable instance of this respect, however, was an unfortunate
exception to the success which generally attended his efforts. This was the
visitation of Douay College, in which he was commissioned by the Cardinal
Protector Farnese, and Guido, the Archbishop of Rhodes.
The commission for the visitation, in which Mr. Robert Chambers,
confessor to the Benedictine nuns at Brussels, was joined with Dr. Clement, was
dated Oct. 17, 1612.
The clergy in England were still suffering from the effects of the
peculiar institution and jurisdiction of the Archpriest, and now they were
threatened with the loss of the government of their College at Douay. After the
decease of Cardinal Allen, in 1594, the influence of Fr. Persons at Rome had
become paramount as regards English affairs.
Installed in the government of the seminaries abroad, the Fathers of the
Society had also acquired the principal, if not the exclusive, patronage of the
houses over which they presided. Even at Douay the right of presentation, though
nominally confined to the Archpriest and the Superior of the Jesuits in
England, was gradually extended to other members of the Order; and thus, while
the clergy at home were debarred from nominating to a vacancy, except through
the Archpriest, the Jesuit rectors abroad were permitted to exercise the
privilege, as freely and as authoritatively, as if the College had been the
property of the Society.
On the death of Dr. Barret, in 1599, the members of the College had
petitioned for a president of their own nomination. By the influence of Fr.
Persons that suit was rejected, and Dr. Thomas Worthington was appointed to the
vacant office. Innovations of various descriptions were gradually introduced:
the first step was to discard the confessor of the house and to substitute a
member of the Society in his place: the old professors were removed, discipline
was relaxed, and all the most promising students were systematically
transferred to other seminaries, either in Rome or Spain, the result being the
general decadence of the College; the students were ordered to frequent the
Jesuit schools in Douay; and, at the instance of Fr. Persons, the General of
the Society appointed an English Jesuit to reside in Douay as confessor to the
students. Fr. Persons had also the management of the pensions annually paid to
the College by the Courts of Rome and Spain, and the College was fast becoming
a dependency of the Society.
That such a state of things was most distressing and irritating to the
clergy is not surprising, and to this was added the general discontent of the
students, who petitioned that the College might be relieved from the
interference of the Jesuits and its independency restored.
The tendency of the visitors was unfavorable to the students and the
clergy, and also to the administration of the President, but the rules which
were drawn up for the future management of the establishment, as the result of
the visitation, raised such an outcry, both from the students and clergy , that
ultimately, before the close of 1613, Fr. Worthington was removed from the
government of the College, and Dr. Kellison, in whom the Clergy had great
confidence, was installed in his place; the Jesuit confessor was discharged,
and the students who had been dismissed were recalled.
Thus one of the great grievances of the clergy was removed; for,
superior in numbers, and equal in every quality that could adorn the
priesthood, they were naturally indignant to find themselves placed, as it
were, under the tutelage of another order of men.
Dodd speaks favourably of Dr. Clement, but the account he gives of his
policy does not accord with that of Canon Tierney.
Returning to his deanery at Brussels, he died August 28, 1626.
_____________________
Dodd, Ch. Hist.,
vol. ii, Tierney's Dodd, v. p.3 et seq.; Foley, Records S .J., Roman Diary;
Douay Diaries
.
1. Report of the Visitation of Douay College by Dr. Caesar Clement and
Mr. Robert Chambers, Nov. 1612, MS., of which Canon Tierney
remarks that it was evidently written under the influence of strong feeling,
and abounds with contradictions and misrepresentations.
2. Though no published work of Dr. Clement has been recorded, it is
evident from his letters that he was a man of great ability and learning.
_____________
(Aug,1990)
CAESAR CLEMENT AND THE ENGLISH COLLEGE AT ROME
We know the date of Caesar Clement's final acceptance to the English
College in Rome, 5 September 1579, and that he must have been at
least 18 years at initial entry; born, therefore, in or about the year
1560. An abstract from the Liber Ruber (the traditional title of
the MS) Venerabilis Collegii Anglorum de Vrbe, reads:
Constitvtiones Collegii Anglicani
Quicunque ergo in hoc Collegium admittendi erunt, Angli sint necessum
est tantum ex Angliae Regno eiusque prouinciis delecti, quorum aetas 18, aut
circiter anno not sit inferior, ut citius ad iuuandam patriam mitti possint, et
facilius ea percipiant que de Ecclesiastici hominis officiis et ratione
iuuandarum [correction of "uiuandarum"] animarum illis
proponuntur.
Cesar Clemens Anglus diocesis lundinensis Annorum [......]
humanioribus litteris studens receptus fuit in Collegium fuit in Collegium hoc
Anglicanum a Reuerendo Patre Alphonso dicti Collegii Rectore tamquam Conuictor
ut soluat ex suis de expresso mandato Illustrissimi Cardinalis Moroni
Protectoris sub die 5, Septembris [Ips] [Letters in [...] erased]
1579. Ipse autem receptus fuit die [....] Mensis
[....] [Figures erased, not a new entry.]
Caesar praedictus iurauit se fore semper paratum iubente summo Pontifice
vel alio quouis huius Collegii legitimo superiore vitam eccesliasticam agere,
sacros etiam ordines suscipere, ac praeterea in Angliam ad iuuandas animas
proficisci, et hoc tactis scripturis iuramento firmauit, in aedibus Collegii
Anglorum de Vrbe. Mense Ianrii die 6, 1584 [correction of
'1583'?]. Ita est Caesar Clemens [sic]
_______________
THE WILL OF DR CAESAR CLEMENT
This document, a ms. copy of an extract from Caesar Clement's
Will (1625), formerly in the archives of St. Monica's,
Louvain, was brought to England in the late 18th century. It was found by the
Librarian, Sister Mary Salomé, in the archive of the community at The Priory of
Our Lady, at Sayers Common in West Sussex, and is now the property of the
Womens' Canonial Congregation of Windesheim. It is paginated, described and
translated, hereinafter:
Page 1 (Title
page): The dated seal of the towns of Ghent and Antwerp (4-S, 1724)
and an undeciphered signature, followed by:
EXTRACTUM EX / TESTAMENTO
REVERENDI / ADMODUM DOMINI CAE=
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Excerpt /
from the Will of the Right Reverend Lord Cae=
/ SARIS CLEMENTIS / SACRAE
THEOLOGIAE / DOCTORIS ET SANCTAE /
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
=sar Clement / Doctor of Sacred Theology /
GUDULAE BRUXELL DUM VIVERET
DECANI* PASSATO BRUXELLIS
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
and while in life /
Dean of / St Gudula,
Bruxelles / now deceased at
Bruxelles
EHEU
-------
Alas.
On page 2: Top left,
confirmation of an existing seal
(CCW1) ('HABET SIGIL[LUM]')
EXTRACTUM EX /
TESTAMENTO REVERENDI / ADMODUM DOMINI
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Excerpt from /
the Will of the right Reverend Lord,
DOMINI (sic) CAE= /
SARIS CLEMENTIS SA= / CRAE THEOLOGIA DOCTORIS /
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Lord Caesar Clement Doctor in
Sacred Theology
.. /.. ET SANCTAE GUDULAE
/ BRUXELL, DUM VIVERET /
DECANI
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
and while in life Dean of St
Gudula Bruxell, now deceased at
Footnote: 'DECANI'
The 'Decani' (or Dean)
of a cathedral controls the services and, together with the Chapter, of which
the Dean is head, supervises the fabric and property of the buildings.
PASSATO BRU= /
XELLIS SUB TESTATORIS / SIGNATURA UT IN /
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Bruxell under the testator's
signature
EXEMPLO CORAM /
VEN: VIRO DOMINO FR: / VAN DEN ZANDE. /
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
as in the original before the
venerable Lord Fr: van den Zande.
CANONICO MINORIS /
PREBENDAE* DICTAE EC= / CLESIAE 24 :
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Lesser Prebendary of the
aforesaid church, on the 24th
NOVEMB : 1625 : // ITEM DO LEGO MONASTERIO /
SANCTAE
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
November 1625 : Item: I give
and bequeath to the Monastery of Saint
MONICAE LOVANII
SANCTIMONI= / ALIUM* ANGLICARUM,
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Monica Louvain, of the Holy
English Moniales
CENSUM SIVE /
(Page ends).
---------------------------------
my assessed (estimated?)
On page 3:
(CCW 2)
REDITUM MEUM CENTUM ET /
OCTOGINTA FLORENORUM ANNUE,
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
revenue of 180 florins
annually,
/ QUEM OLIM EXISTENTEM
TRECEN= / TORUM FLORENORUM HABEO
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
which reduced sum, formerly an
amount of 300 florins, I have therefore, willy nilly,
NUNC / VOLENS, NOLENS EO MODO REDUCTUM /
SUPER DOMO
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
placed in the care of the
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnote: 'MONASTERIO SANCTAE MONICAE'
The Monastery of St. Monica,
founded in 1609 by Sisters formerly at the Monastery of St. Ursula and the
11,000 Virgins, were both located in Louvain.
Footnote: 'SANCTIMONALIUM'
'Holy Moniales': from the time
of Pope Gregory (AD 590-604), for religious women in solemn vow.
Footnote: 'CANONIS MINORIS
PREBENDAE'
Canon: cleric on the general
staff of the cathedral.
Prebendary: clerical holder of
a cathedral benefice derived from endowments divided into separate portions or
'prebends', each for the support of a single member of the Chapter.
CIVICA ANTWERPIUM /
CUM INTEGRO MEO JURE, PERTI= /
NENTIIS,
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Civic House of Antwerp, all
rightly belonging to me by law, with the additional
ET RELIQUIS DICTI REDI=
/ TUS SUB ONERE SOLVENDI
EX= /
EODEM
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
obligation to take annually
from the aforesaid revenue,
SINGULIS ANNIS, LEGATA / A
PATRE MEO THOMA CLEMENTE / PIAE
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
bequeathed to me by my father
Thomas Clement, of blessed memory,
ME: MONASTERIIS SANCTAE CLARAE
/ ET UNDECIM MILLIUM
VIRGI=
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
for the Louvain monasteries of
St Clare and the Eleven Thousand Virgins
/ NUM LOVANII NISI ILLA
REDE= / MERINT, ET SUB ONERE UNIUS
/
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
unless redeemed by them, then
under obligation,
MISSAE SINGULIS SEPTIMANIS
IN /
ECCLESIA DICTI MONASTERII
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
one Mass, every seven days, in
the church of the aforesaid monastery,
CELEBRAN= /
DAE IN PERPETUUM PRO ANIMA
/ MEA ET PARENTUM
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
to be celebrated in
perpetuity, for my soul, and those of my parents.
MEORUM / (Page ends).
------------
On Page 4;
(CCW 3)
SINE ADDITIONE ALTERIUS CUM
SUIS /
INTENTIONE, QUOD ONUS SI
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Without imposing any intention
other than their own, which obligation if the said
DICTAE /
RELIGIOSAE NOLUORINT
ACCEPTARE / TENEBUNTUR
- EX
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Religious decline to accept,
they shall be held -- from
DICTU REDITU /
UNAM MISSAM FUNDARE SUFFI=
/ CIENTER PRO
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
the said revenue to
sufficiently found one mass for the
DEFUNCTIS SINGULIS /
SEPTIMANIS CELEBRANDUM IN / FINEM UT
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
dead, each week, to be
celebrated in perpetuity, as
SUPRA, RELIQUUM /
VERO DICTI REDITUS MANEBIT
/ MONASTERIO
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
above, the remainder of the
said revenue shall belong to the monastery,
UT PRO NOBIS /
ORENT. - //
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
that they may pray for us.
ITEM DO, LEGO DICTO MONASTERIO //
SANCTAE MONICAE PRO SUA
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Item, I give and bequeath to
the said Monastery of St. Monica for its
ECCLESIA -
/ CALICEM MEUM ARGENTUM /
DEAURATUM, CUM SUA
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
church, my silver-gilt
chalice, with its
PATENA, /
PELERI AMPULLUS ET PEPIDE AR=
/ GENTUM, ITEM
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
patten, (------------see
below-------------) of silver, Item,
CRUCEM ME= / AM
ARGENTEAM MAGNAM / (page ends)
---------------------------------------------------------------------
my large crucifix of silver...
---------------------------
On page 5:
(CCW 4)
CUM DUOBUS CANDELABRIS
ALTARIS / MAJORIBUS ARGENTEIS AC
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
with two silver candlesticks
for the High Altar and
DUOBUS /
POCULIS ARGENTEIS AD IMPONENDUM
/ FLORES, ITEM
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
two silver flower vases, Item,
CASULAS ALBAS, ET /
RELIQUA ORNAMENTA OMNIA AD
- /
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
white chasubles, and the
remaining ornaments for
CELEBRANDUM CONFECTA, CUM /
VELIS ET BURSIS (: / :)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
celebrating the ceremonies,
with the veils and burses : / :
IIS DUMTAXAT /
EXCEPTIS QUIBUS AD SEPELIENDUM
/ ME
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
those nevertheless excepted in
which it shall be fitting
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnote : 'PELERI ET PEPIDE'
THE BENEFACTORS' BOOK describes 'peleri et pepide' as 'a pair of
silver cruets'.
INDUI OPORTEBIT, ET
EXCEPTA / CASULA PANNI AUREI, QUAM
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
to clothe me for burial, and
excepting the chasuble with gold panels which
/ LEGO ET RELINQUO AD
MISSAS CE= / LEBRANDAS IN ALTARI
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I bequeath and leave now for
the celebration of Masses at the Miraculous Altar
SANCTISISSIMI SACRA= /
MENTI MIRACULOSI BRUXELLAE UT
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the Blessed Sacrament in
Bruxels that
/ EA UTANTUR IN FESTIS
TRIPLI= / CIBUS TANTUM. //
--------------------------------------------------------------------
it may be used there on third
class feasts only. //
ITEM DO LEGO DICTO
MONASTERIO / SANCTAE MONICAE CUPPAM*
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Item, I give bequeath to the
said Monastery of St. Monica
UNAM / ARGENTEAM
DEAURATUM / (Page ends)
-----------------------------------------------------------
one silver-gilt vessel
(cup?) (See: 'Cupp' in THE BENEFACTORS'
BOOK).
On Page 6 :
(CCW 5)
PARVAM, HABENTAM FORMAM /
CAMPANULAE OBLONGAE PRO
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
shaped in the form of rather
long campanulas for
USU / ABLUTIONIS SUORUM
COMMUNICANTIUM (/ :) LEGO IPSIS
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
the communicants for their
ablutions* (?) / : I leave to them also
ETIAM /
AULEIIA SIVE TAPETIA NUMERO
/ SEX MAJORUM
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
an auleiaa* or tapestry
number six of the large images
FIGARUM - /
HISTORIAE VLV(QUE) ALEXANDRI MAG=
/ NI
------------------------------------------------------------------------
the exploits of ('vis illa
virtus')(?)('strong and great') Alexander the Great
PRO TEMPLO SUO VESTIENDO, /
NISI NECESSITAS DOMUS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
for ornamenting his temple,
unless the cost of my tomb
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnote: 'PRO USU ABLUTIONIS' and 'AULEIIA':
'Ablutionis' may be 'ablution wine'; 'auleiia'
is perhaps a 'veil' (See: THE BENEFACTORS' BOOK, below.)
MEAE / MORTUARIAE (:/:)
QUOD ABSIT (:/) CO=
/ GERET ILLA
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
:/: may God forbid (?) :/
oblige me :/
DIVENDERE (:/)
ITEM / QUID QUID RELIQUIARIUM SACRARUM
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
to sell it :/
Item whatever holy relics
/ IN DOMO MEA EXTRA THECAS
/ SIVE CAPSULAS INVENIETUR
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
shall be found in my house without
cases or coverings,
- / ID TOTUM LEGO DICTIS
MONIALI= / BUS UT EASDEM CURENT
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I bequeath all to the said
Moniales for and into
RE= / VERENTER
- ORNARI ET IN ECCLESIA /
SUA REPONI - //
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
their most reverent care -- to be placed as ornaments in their
church (Page ends)
On page 7:
(CCW 6)
ITEM DO LEGO COGNATIS
MEIS /
MARIAE HELENAE COPLEIIS*
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
also I give bequeath to my
relatives Mary and Helen Copley
D: (DICTI) MONA= /
STERII RELIGIOSIS PROFESSIS SINGULIS
/
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the said monastery,
professed Religious, to each,
UNAM EX DUABUS MEIS /
TABELLIS QUADRATIS RELIQUARIUM
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
one of my two small square
cases of relics,
/ EX EBANO ET ARGENTO
CONFECTIS, / ITEM SINGULIS UNAM
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
made of ebony and silver, Also
to each
EX DUA= /
BUS ALIIS TABELLIS MAJORIBUS
/ ARGENTEIS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
one of two other large images
in silver
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnote: 'MARIAE HELENAE COPLEIIS'
Mary (1593-1669) and Helen
(1592-1666), the daughters of Magdalen Prideaux (d.1619) and William Copley of
Gatton in Sussex (d.1643), were professed at St. Monica's, Louvain. Magdalen
Prideaux was the daughter of Helen Clement and Thomas Prideaux of Devon, dates
and place of burial unknown to-date. Helen Clement was the sister of Thomas
Clement M.A., Mother Margaret Clement, Sister Dorothy Clement (of the Order of
St. Clare), Winifred Rastell (née Clement) and Bridget Redmond (née
Clement): children of Dr. John Clement (d.1572) and Margaret Clement (née
Giggs)(d.1570).
DEPOSITIONIS VLQUE
(VELEMENTUMQUE?) DOMINI / SALVATORIS
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the Deposition (with veil?)
of the Lord Saviour
DE CRUCE, ET B: (BEATA) /
MARIAE VIRGINIS IN EBANO ELA=
/
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
from the Cross, and of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, worked in ebony
ELABORATIS, ITEM DO IPSIS
SEX /
PARVAS THECAS EX EBANO
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Also I give six small turret-shaped cases
of ebony
TURRI= /
TAS RELIQUIIS PLENAS, ET DUOS
/ AGNOS DEI*
------------------------------------------------------------------------
full of relics, and two large Agnus Dei
MAJORES THECIS IN= /
CLUSOS, ITEM DUAS IMAGINES
/ PICTAS
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
including cases, also two painted
images
B: VIRGINIS ET B: (BEATA) MARIAE
/ MAGDALENAE EIUSDEM FERE
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the Blessed Virgin and the
Blessed Mary Magdalene each of almost
(Page ends)
On page 8:
(CCW 7)
MAGNITUDINIS IN EBANO
CON= /
STITUTAS, LEGO IPSIS QUOQUE -
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
the same size made in ebony, I
also bequeath to them
/ LIBRUM EVANGELICAE HISTORIAE,
- / EN EIS FIGURIS EXPLRESSAE
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
the book of Gospel events, as
interpreted by the
AUTHO= /
=RE HIERONIMO NATALI SOCIETATIS JESU (PBRO) UT PRO
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
author Jerome Nadal of the
Society of Jesus (ProBonoR???O???) that
ME ORENT / / ITEM DO LEGO SUPRADICTO MO= /
NASTERIO
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
they may pray for me. Also I give bequeath to the aforesaid
monastery
SANCTAE MONICAE QUATUOR
- / TABULAS PICTAS AB UTROQUE
-
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of Saint Monica four panels
painted on both
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Footnote: 'AGNOS DEI'
Round seals made of wax from the Paschal Candle with the imprinted
figure of the Lamb thereon, blessed and much revered.
/ LATERE, QUAS
(W?-V?)-ESALIAE EX MA= / NIBUS HERETICORUM
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
sides, which, for a price, in
Wesalia (Westphalia in Germany) I obtained from the
PRETIO - /
VINDICAVI, AD TEMPLUM / SUUM EXORNANDUM. //
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
hands of the heretics,
destined to ornament their temple.
ITEM LEGO IPSIS IN EUNDEM /
FINEM DUAS PICTURAS MAJO= / RES
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Also I finally give and
bequeath to them two large paintings
B: (BEATA) VIRGINIS CUM PUERO
/ JESUS, JOSEPHO ET
ANGELIS, //
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the Blessed Virgin and
Child Jesus, with Joseph and the Angels.
(Page ends)
On Page 9:
(CCW 8)
ET ALTERAM BEATAE CECILIAE
ET /
VULTU SANCTO MAJORIS FORMAE
//
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
and another of Saint Cecilia
and the Holy Face of large size.
ITEM DO LEGO ADMODUM
REVERENDAE / DOMINAE PRIORISSAE DICTI
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Also I give bequeath to the
right Reverend Lady Prioress of the said
MONASTERII -
/ MARIAE WYSEMAN TABELLAM - / PARVAM EX EBANO
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
monastery Mary Wiseman -- a
small ebony panel
PICTAM / B:
VIRGINIS LACTENTIS PUERUM / JESUM UNA CUM BIBLIIS IN
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of the Blessed Virgin
breast-feeding the Child Jesus, and, a book in
FOLS. /
SIXTI V*: OPERIBUS D: GREGORII PP.
/ ET HISTORIA LAURENTANA
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
folio of the Bibles of Sixtus
V together with the works of the Lord Gregory, Pope, and an
Footnote: 'SIXTI V''
Sextus V (1521-1590), Pope from 1585, promoted a new edition of the
Vulgate Bible.
GORATII / CURSELINII, CUM CLEPSYDRA MEA /
PARVA EX EBANO, ITEM
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
account of the military
laurels of Goratius Curselinus, and, my small ebony water-clock, Also
DO / ILLIS ASSERVANDAS IN SUO MO= /
NASTERIO PICTURAS AVIA MEA
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I give them paintings to be
preserved in their monastery of my ancestress
- / MARGARETAE CLEMENTIS
PATRIS MEI THOMAE ET AMITIAE MAR=
/
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Margaret Clement of my father
Thomas and my aunt Margaret,
GARETAE IN URI-(JURIS)
MEMORIAM,* / (Page ends)
--------------------------------------------------
mindful of the law,
On page 10:
(CCW 9)
DEINDE POST ALIA
SCRIBITUR - SIT - //
--------------------------------------------------------------
wherefor in other matters
thereinafter it shall be written -- thus.
DUO VERO ALIA SEDILIA
MAGNA / EX NIGRO CORIO DEAURATO ET
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Two large chairs in
gold-tooled black leather and
/ SEX ALIAS SEDES MINORES
SIMILI= / TER - EX CORIO NIGRO
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
six small matching chairs
similarly in gold-tooled black leather
DEAURATO / CUM SEX PULVINARIBUS MAJO= /
RIBUS VILLOSIS
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
together with six large
cushions in coarse-
OPERIS TEXTILIS / ANGLICAM DO, LEGO MONASTERIO /
SANCTAE
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
weave English cloth I give, and bequeath to the Monastery of Saint
Footnote: 'AVIA MEA MARGARETAE CLEMENTIS PATRIS MEI THOMAE ET AMITAE
MARGARETAE IN JURIS MEMORIAM'
I have to draw attention that
'mindful of the law' means here, presumably, the law concerning claims made by
illegitimate offspring (See: the letter from Frangipani to Aldobrandino
alleging the illegitimacy of Caesar Clement, 10th February 1601, above).
We see, therefore, Mary and
Helen Copley referred to as "relatives", not "cousins."
Margaret Clement (d.1570), his grandmother, is referred to as
"Ancestress" ("Avia" is capitalized in the text).
Mother Margaret Clement (d.1612), his father's sister, is referred to as
"aunt" not "Aunt" ('amitiae margaretae' is written
lower case). The evidence shows that Caesar Clement mentions his father,
Thomas, but not his mother in his Will. However, the Chronicles of the Order
(Arch-J7) speak of Mother Margaret Clement and her 'nephew', Caesar
Clement: 'At the death of Mother
Margaret Clement her nephew Doctor Clement was sent for from Bruxelles to
perform her funeral service with all solemnity.'
MONICAE LOVANII, INFE= /
RIUS HABETUR - COLLATIONE
/ FACTA
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Monica Louvain, as may be had
below -- to be collected
CUM INSTRUMENTO TESTAMENTI AUTENTIFATO / PER -
PREFATUM
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
according to the Will
witnessed by the aforesaid
VAN ZANDE / CONCORDAT CUM EODEM /
SIGNATUM JOES GERMANS
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Van Zande and in accordance
with that (Will) signed by Joes Germans
/ 1626: INFERIUS HABETUR - HAEC /
OMNIA SUPRADICTA ET MONA=
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
in 1626: as may be had below -- all the aforesaid
things bequeathed to
/ STERIO NOSTRO LEGATA A
DOMINO // (Page ends)
----------------------------------------------------
our Monastery by the Lord.
On page 11:
(CCW 10)
CAESARE CLEMENTE DECANO
S.GU= / DULAE RECEPI EGO INFRA
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Caesar Clement Dean of Saint
Gudula I below named have received
NOMINA= / TUS DIE 3 SEPTE: 1626: AB HEREDE / ET
EXECUTORIBUS
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
on this third day of September
1626 from the heir and executors
EIUS TESTAMENTI, / SIGNATUM STEPHANUS BARONIS CONFESSARIUS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
of his Will, signed Stephen
Barnes Confessor of the
DICTI MONASTERII / SANCTAE MONICAE LOVANII //
--------------------------------------------------------------------
said Monastery of Saint Monica
Louvain.
CONCORDANTIAM ATTESTOR
-------------------------------------
Witness to the agreement
(signed) J. A. DURY
NOT---1724
---------------
THE BENEFACTORS BOOK OF SAINT MONICA'S LOUVAIN:
The first entry in
this book is dated 1609. Three entries concern gifts of money from
Caesar Clement:
1) 1612 Almes of
Doctor Clement £50. 0. 0.
2) 1613 Almes of
Doctor Clement £50. 0. 0.
3) 1625 Hon: given
us by Dr Clement for the building of our Church 2000 gulders.
The method of notation by the
Sisters in the Benefactors Book means that Caesar Clement made a gift of £50 to
Saint Monica's some time after 1 January 1612 and before 1 January 1613.
Similarly, a second gift was made between 1 January 1613 and 1 January 1614.
There is nothing odd or strange about this gift of money from a person who, on
his admission in his Last Will and Testament, was perhaps earning 300 florins
annually at the time. However, the third gift, an 'honararium', after
1 January 1625, was for the remarkably large sum of 2000 gulders.
My reservations concern this large sum of money, equivalent to perhaps some £2.2
million to £2.5 million to-day.
Investigation at the Rijksarchief in Antwerp shows that the Flemish
gulder and English pound were at parity in 1625-1626, on a one-for-one basis.
The payment to St. Monica's for the building of their new church was therefore
made either in gold coin, or in the form of a letter of credit, or a bankers
draft, less commission: the giver of the funds, nominally, Dr. Caesar Clement,
but the original source of the funds might have been any person or persons
living on the mainland of Europe or elsewhere. The reduced income of the dean
of St. Gudula's in the year of his death (1625) is declared as 180 florins (see
page 6) and there is no mention of the gift to St.Monica's of 2000 gulders
in the same year.
The impression is that the 2000 gulders were not personal 'savings':
certainly not from the declared income of the Dean of St. Gudula's, Brussels.
The Sisters of St. Monica's do not record that the 2000 gulders was a gift to
Clement from a rich and openly stated source, such as his father, Thomas
Clement, who was closely associated with St. Monica's and in fact died and was
buried there. This is odd.
The Lyfe of Mother Margaret
Clement, the original mss is dated '1616' (repeated in the ms
copy of the English Convent at Bruges, p. 65), suggests that Thomas Clement was
well-known to the Sisters as the elder brother of Prioress Mother Margaret
Clement:
This brother being the eldest had been a follower of the world and a
great lover of his delights and pleasures being very learned and having the
languages, his conversation was very pleasing to the better sort and so he
passed his time. But sometimes coming to visit his sister what with her sweet
conversation and holy prayers she won him that he was contented to abandon the
world and all the vanities thereof and came to live a solitary life in our
monastery as a sogener which he accounted solitary to the way he had done
before and he there made a happy end. And as I have heard our gracious Mother
tell she did not account it of the least favour that God Almighty had done her
in altering her brother.
This brother 'being the eldest' is probably, almost certainly, Thomas
Clement. There is no other candidate. In this connexion, we see the name of
Thomas Clement and the names of other family members in a legal document, dated
28th August 1573, when they appeared before a notary in Flanders, on
family matters (See: ms. Deed written in Dutch, on parchment, dated 28th
August 1573, in the archive "The Dutch Deed"). Translation, reads:
Thomas Prideaux and Helen Clement his legitimate wife, who have given
special powers and procuration to Master Thomas Clement their brother to act on
their behalf, as also of that of the son of Master Thomas [Caesar Clement?]
and of Demoiselle Brigit, widow of Robert Redmond, all together children and
heirs of the deceased John Clement, to hand over 20 florins (of the Emperor
Charles V), etc., etc.
The document suggests:
1) In the year following the death of John Clement (1572), an annuity on
behalf of and payable to Mother Margaret Clement, from her father, became
defunct with his death and was replaced, therefore, with an 'erfrente'
of 20 florins, agreed by the above-named to be paid annually during her
lifetime. This annual payment by the siblings for a sister in Holy Orders was
not unusual -- in fact, it was common. The assignee, of course, was Thomas
Clement.
2) There is mention in the document 'of the son of Master Thomas'. This
un-named son, presumably, was illegitimate. If true, then according to the law
of Flanders at this time, an illegitimate son could not inherit a patrimony without
some juridic formality. In this connexion, if this illegitimate son was in fact
"our" Caesar Clement, then, in theory, having assigned special powers
and procuration to his father in 1573, no further juridic formality was
necessary after the death of his father, Thomas Clement, a clever ploy where
movables and small sums of money (not property) were involved. However, the sum
of 2000 gulders, a millionaire's cache, cannot be explained away so easily.
3) Regarding the year of death of Thomas Clement. It is not at all
clear but there is no mention in "The Lyfe" of Thomas Clement at the
Jubilee celebrations of Mother Margaret Clement, his sister, in 1606.
Mother Margaret Clement was professed on 11th October 1557 and
died on 23rd of May 1612. Dr. (Caesar) Clement and Dr. Redmond,
her two nephews, so-described in "The Lyfe", were present. The
first assumption, therefore, is that Thomas Clement died before 1606. If
true, it means that the source of the 2000 gulders given to St Monica's in 1625
was NOT Thomas Clement. The best-fit hypothesis is that Caesar Clement was
given an article of great value by his father, Thomas Clement, (in or before
1606), sold it to an extremely rich person (or, institution), after 1606, and
in memory of his father and his aunt, Mother Margaret Clement (d.1612), gave
the money to St. Monica’s Louvain in 1625, to build a new monastery, one year
before his death in 1626. The most likely item is the collection of Greek love
poems known at one time to have been in the possession of John Clement, father
of Thomas Clement and grandfather of Caesar Clement, now in the University
Library, Plöck 107-109, Postfach 10 57 49, D 6900 Heidelberg 1, Germany, and
known to-day as the Anthologia Palatina, Cod. Pal. Graeca, 23.
I have to draw attention that this pre-Christian manuscript book is
listed among the rare book collections today. It is probably unique and
priceless. I will return to it again.
For the present, as already explained and made clear, there is no
mention in the Will of the gift of 2000 gulders made the year before the death
of Caesar Clement in 1626. Furthermore, the law of the day required some sort
of juridic formality to enable an inheritance to pass to an illegitimate child
-- and we know Caesar Clement was illegitimate. Lastly, from direct inspection,
there is no juridic formality in the Will showing a patrimony of 2000 gulders.
Similarly, the name of the seller of the Greek love poems who was in some way
associated with the German Palatinate, presumably, is not recorded in the University
archives, nor the purchase price, which is what we should expect from careful
University authorities if the seller is Delegatus Apostolicus in exercitibus
Catholicae suae Majestis tam in Germaniae partibus, quam Belgio 1618 (See:
Note 2, page 1) – and illegitimate. The research into the provenance of the
Anthologia Palatina, termed and
named retrospectively by the University establishment, is on-going.
4) Finally, a curious document in the archive, a post mortem Will
of John Clement (died 1st July 1572), signed by an unknown lawyer, Dignam
Loutien, (unknown at the Rijksarchief in Antwerp), and dated 3rd July 1572,
requires assessment. The document is of special interest since the absence of a
Will in Mechelen, where John Clement died and was buried, was no barrier to
inheritance by the legal heirs. The absence of a Will, in the case of John
Clement, can be cogently explained on the grounds that following Malinois
custom only (the customary laws of Mechelen, or Mechlin, or Malines), in the
absence of a Will (compulsory by law in Flanders in the 16th century), the
legitimate children (not the illegitimate children) inherited all the movables
and immovables of their dead parents without further juridic formality, by
simple succession. (See: Titles 16 & 17, Costumen ende styl van
procederen der Stadt, Vryheyt ende Jurisdictie van Mechelen, Cheapprobeert en
ghedecreteert bij Keyselycke Majesteyt als heere van Mechelen in den jare ons
heren MDXXXV, publ, H. Jaye, 1633).
Many grateful thanks to H. Installé, M. Beterams, W. Rombout, Sister
Mary Aline, Sister Mary Margaret and Sister Mary Salomé -- for memorable
guidance and assistance.
------------------
Author's note: DNA profiling of Thomas and Caesar Clement may prove
the father/son relationship conclusively.
___First published 010301___
Last revision 010801
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SCHOLAR/WARRIOR
“Notwithstanding the
finding of the President of Christ Church College, Dr. Kenneth Dover, that no
trace remains today of John Clement at CCC, there is evidence of John Clement
at Oxford in Letters & Papers, Foreign & Domestic, Henry VIII, Appendix
56, 9 Nov 1518, Fiddes, C.1. 36: THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD TO WOLSEY, p.1546
‘The students have returned, and all the more eagerly, because
John Clement has given notice of his lectures.’ Oxon. 5 id. Nov.
…At
the time, John Clement was one of the officially appointed royal “Spears”.”
I received a letter from Thomas Merriam,
dated 9 March 1991, with new evidence of the status of John Clement since 1510,
one of the royal “Spears”, an appointment described and made clear in Appendix IV,
"The Henrician Court during Cardinal Wolsey's Ascendancy: c.1514 to
1529" by Neil Samman (an unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wales,
1989.) For instance, Samman describes the participants at the royal
tournaments:
1.
Three people appear once, and only once, in the listings for tournaments in the
reign of Henry VIII, on 1 June 1510. Arthur Plantagenet, ‘Spear of
honour’ (if not at the time, sometime after); John Clement, ‘Spear of
Calais’ (L&P, I, i, 857 (10); and, John Audeley, ‘Spear of
honour’, (Esquire of the body by 1509.)
2. Edward
Guildford participated at five tournaments: (a) May, 1507 (reference: S. T.
Bindoff, (ed.), The House of Commons, 1509-1558 (3 vols; London, 1982),
II, pp.262-263; (b) June, 1509 (Coronation of Henry VIII); (c) Jan 18, 1510
(masque at Greenwich); (d) June 1520 (Field of the Cloth of Gold); (e) 15 July
1520.
3.
Samman, p. 132 -- concerning participants in Henry VIII's tournaments: 'nearly
all participants were sworn servants of the king or queen.'
4.
Samman, p. 134: 'All ‘spears’ (speaking probably of the Spears of honour) were
of high birth.'
5.
Samman, p. 137: 'Nearly all ‘spears’ came from families with long association with
the court.'
6.
Samman, p. 152: ‘Spear of Calais’. Calais almost 'an actual office of the
chamber'. Samman asserts Henry VIII's ‘Spears’ existed only 1510-1515. Some
‘Spears’ were carried over from Henry VII's reign.
7. Thomas
Tyrrell was a 'spear of honour'.
Merriam adds
that if Edward Guildford is the cover identity of Edward V, then he would have
been 50 years of age at the last two events. He has written Dr. Samman to ask
if he knows in what capacity Guildford participated at the Field of the Cloth
of Gold. Usual age limits for participation at tournaments were 18-45.
Incidentally, Henry Guildford's first participation was 1510, 3 years after
Edward's first occasion. A poetic account of the 1507 tournament with added
information on the participants, is given by Richard Grey in the multi volume Remains
of the Early Popular Poetry of England by W. C. Hazlitt, London 1864-66,
II, pp.109-130. A list of all noblemen in the reign of Henry VIII is given in
the appendix to H. Miller’s Henry VIII and the English Nobility,
London, 1986.
I
have to draw attention that John Clement’s status as a royal ‘Spear’ was known
in 1519 when he was Wolsey’s alleged Reader in Greek at Corpus Christi College.
Since the allegation is unsupported from any official source, it follows that
the foreign KUL qualifications and unknown family and background origins of
this mysterious English ‘warrior/scholar’ might have aroused much interest in
the student body in 1518 as today.
In
this connexion, the letter from the University of Oxford addressed to Cardinal
Wolsey does not in fact state that Clement was Wolsey’s appointed Reader in
Greek. The letter merely ‘suggests’ it. The letter emphasizes the interest of
the students that Clement has given notice of his impending lectures (‘and all
the more eagerly,’) and if not the Wolsey appointed Reader, why does the writer
volunteer this gratuitous information to Wolsey?
I
suggest that John Clement’s case officer in 1518 was Cardinal Wolsey. I further
suggest the above letter demonstrates that an essential part of the duties of a
case officer is being attended to; namely, that Richard, Duke of York, also
known as John Clement, was self supporting -- paid for his services by the
University of Oxford.
The
research is on-going into the provenance of this letter.
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